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A  PEPYS  OF  MOGUL  INDIA 


A    PEPYS    OF 
MOGUL  INDIA 

l653  — 


BEING   AN   ABRIDGED    EDITION 

OF  THE   "STORIA  DO  MOGOR  " 

OF   NICCOLAO  MANUCCI 

TRANSLATED    BY    WILLIAM    IRVINE 

(ABRIDGED   EDITION    PREPARED   BY 
MARGARET   L.   IRVINE) 


WITH    A    FRONTISPIECE 


NEW  YORK 
E.  P.  DUTTON  AND  COMPANY 


VS4- 


H 


INTRODUCTION 


NICCOLAO    MANUCCI— THE    MAN 

NICCOLAO  MANUCCI,  the  hero  of  our  narrative,  ran 
away  from  Venice  in  1653,  being  then  fourteen.  He 
hid  on  board  a  vessel  bound  for  Smyrna,  and  was 
fortunate  enough  to  find  a  protector  in  a  certain 
Viscount  Bellomont,  an  English  nobleman,  then  on 
his  way  to  Persia  and  India.  He  followed  Bellomont 
through  Asia  Minor  to  Persia,  and  from  Persia  to 
India,  meeting  with  many  adventures  by  sea  and 
land.  The  sudden  death  of  his  master  near  Hodal, 
in  1656,  left  Manucci  friendless  in  a  strange  land. 

He  seems  to  have  been  a  youth  of  considerable 
resource,  however,  and  fortune  favoured  him,  for  he 
soon  found  employment  as  an  artilleryman  in  the 
service  of  Prince  Dara  Shukoh,  eldest  son  of  the 
Emperor  Shahjahan.  Till  Dara's  death,  in  1659, 
Manucci  followed  his  varying  fortunes  in  peace  and 
war,  and,  refusing  to  transfer  his  services  to  Aurangzeb, 
he  gradually  adopted  the  profession  of  medicine. 

Being  offered  the  post  of  a  captain  of  artillery  by 
Rajah  Jai  Singh,  he  returned  to  soldiering  for  some 
years,  till  apparently  he  grew  tired  of  it,  and  resigned 
his  post.  He  made  his  way  to  Bassain,  where  he 
narrowly  escaped  the  Inquisition,  and  thence  to  Goa, 
ultimately  returning  to  Agrah  and  Dihlt.  Here  he 


512786 


vi  INTRODUCTION 

took  service  with  Kirat  Singh,  son  of  Jai  Singh ;  but 
when  Kirat  Singh  was  ordered  to  Kabul,  Manucci 
resolved  to  move  to  Lahor  (end  of  1670  or  early  in 
1671)  and  start  in  practice  as  a  physician.  At  the  end 
of  six  or  seven  years,  having  made  a  little  money, 
Manucci  decided  to  remove  into  European  territory, 
and  he  made  his  home  at  Bandora,  on  Salsette  Island. 
Before  long,  however,  he  lost  his  money  in  an  unlucky 
venture,  and  was  obliged  to  return  to  the  Mogul 
Court.  He  obtained  an  appointment  as  one  of  the 
^  physicians  attached  to  Shah  'Alam,  and  followed  him 
to  the  Dakhin  when  he  went  there  as  Governor  in 
1678.  Shah  'Alam  was  recalled  in  1680  to  take  part 
in  a  campaign,  and  from  that  time  they  were  on  the 
move  till  early  in  1681.  Manucci  seems  to  have  found 
his  position  somewhat  irksome,  and  determined  to 
make  his  escape  to  Goa  on  the  pretext  of  taking  leave 
of  absence. 

He  reached  Goa,  and  was  employed  by  the  Portu- 
guese in  negotiations  with  the  Mahrattah  chief,  Sambha 
Ji,  and  also  with  Shah  'Alam,  for  which  services  the 
Governor  conferred  on  him  a  patent  of  knighthood 
in  the  Portuguese  Order  of  Sant'  lago,  1684.  On  a 
second  embassy  to  Shah  'Alam,  Manucci  was  detained 
as  a  deserter  from  his  service.  He  attempted  flight, 
but  was  brought  back,  and  had  to  accompany  Shah 
'Alam  through  the  Ghats  to  A^madnagar,  and  thence 
on  a  campaign  against  the  King  of  Gulkhandah.  When 
at  Malkher,  Manucci  managed  to  make  his  escape 
into  Gulkhandah,  and  when  Shah  'Alam  occupied 
Gulkhandah  he  fled  to  the  European  settlements  at 
Narsapur  and  Masulipatam.  He  was  brought  back 
to  Gulkhandah,  but  evaded  being  given  up  to  the 
agents  of  Shah  'Alam,  and,  with  the  help  of  an 


INTRODUCTION  vii 

Augustinian  friar,  he  managed  to  escape  once  more 
and  took  refuge  at  the  English  settlement  of  Fort 
St.  George.  He  had  thought  at  this  time  of  returning 
to  Europe,  but  was  dissuaded  from  doing  so,  and 
was  advised  to  marry.  He  acted  on  this  advice,  and 
married  in  1686  a  Catholic  widow  named  Clarke, 
daughter  of  Christopher  Hartley  and  Aguida  Pereyra. 
They  had  one  child,  a  son,  who  died  in  infancy. 

During  his  residence  in  Madras  Manucci  was  em- 
ployed by  Governors  Gyfford  and  Pitt ;  by  Gyfford 
in  the  matter  of  transmitting  letters  to  the  "  Great 
Mogull,"  and  by  Thomas  Pitt  in  actual  negotiations 
with  Da,ud  Khan,  who  invested  Madras  in  1702. 
From  1703  onwards  for  several  years  Manucci  seems 
to  have  been  quite  absorbed  in  matters  ecclesiastical, 
and  he  devoted  many  pages  of  his  memoirs  to  the 
discussion  of  the  disputes  between  the  Capuchins  and 
Jesuits,  which  reached  an  active  stage  about  that  time. 
In  1706  his  wife  died,  and  between  1706  and  1712 
Manucci  moved  his  home  to  Pondicherry. 

In  that  year  he  was  about  to  make  a  special  journey 
to  Shah  'Alam's  court  at  Lahor  as  an  intermediary  on 
behalf  of  the  Madras  Council,  who  wished  to  settle 
various  long-standing  difficulties,  and  also  to  secure 
fresh  privileges.  The  death  of  Shah  'Alam  put  an  end 
to  these  plans,  but  as  a  reward  for  his  previous 
services  the  Governor  and  Council  on  January  14, 
1712,  conceded  to  him  in  perpetuity  his  leasehold 
house  and  garden  at  Madras,  which  he  had  acquired 
as  being  heir  of  Thomas  Clarke,  having  married  his 
widow. 

There  is  no  further  trace  of  Manucci  at  Madras 
or  Pondicherry,  and  the  only  date  for  his  death  is  a 
reference  in  the  work,  "  Delia  Litteratura  Veneziano  " 


riii  INTRODUCTION 

(4to,  Venice,  1854),  by  the  Doge  Marco  Nicol6  Foscarini, 
where  on  p.  441  of  the  4th  edition,  1854,  it  is  said  that 
Manucci  died  in  India  in  1717  as  an  octogenarian,  as 
he  (Foscarini)  had  heard. 


NICCOLAO    MANUCCI— THE    AUTHOR 

Manucci's  own  life  is  brimful  of  adventure,  and 
not  less  interesting  is  the  story  of  the  vicissitudes 
through  which  his  manuscript  memoirs  passed  before 
they  were  finally  presented  to  the  public  in  1907  in 
the  masterly  edition  prepared  by  my  father,  the  late 
William  Irvine,  entitled  "  Storia  do  Mogor."  The 
strange  story  is  given  by  him  in  the  minutest  detail 
in  his  Introduction  to  the  "  Storia,"  and  I  must 
content  myself  by  giving  a  mere  outline  of  the  most 
essential  facts. 

Manucci  sent  home  two  copies  of  his  manuscript ; 
the  first  by  the  hands  of  a  certain  Mons.  Boureau 
Deslandes  in  1701.  This  manuscript  was  lent  by 
Deslandes  to  a  certain  Pere  Catrou,  a  Jesuit  priest, 
who  published  in  1705  a  book  founded  upon  it,  and 
entitled  "  Histoire  Generate  de  1'Empire  du  Mogol 
depuis  sa  fondation,  sur  les  Memoires  de  M.  Manouchi 
Venitien." 

In  1705  this  particular  manuscript  passed  with  others 
into  the  possession  of  Baron  Gerard  Meerman,  of 
the  Hague,  was  bought  from  his  heirs  in  1824  by 
Sir  Thomas  Philipps,  of  Middle  Hill,  Worcester,  and 
was  finally  acquired  by  the  KOnigliche  Bibliothek  at 
Berlin  in  1887. 

Some  time  in  1704,  or  1705,  Manucci  received  from 
Catrou  an  advance  copy  of  his  "  Histoire,"  or  of  the 
preface  to  it.  He  was  intensely  indignant  at  what 


INTRODUCTION  ix 

he  considered  to  be  an  attempt  on  the  part  of  the 
Jesuit  Fathers  "to  transfer  to  themselves  the  glory 
won  by  another's  labour,"  and  he  determined  to  send 
to  Europe  the  original  draft  of  his  Parts  I.,  II.,  and  III., 
together  with  Part  IV.,  on  which  he  had  been  engaged 
since  1701.  He  sent  them  to  the  Venetian  Senate  by 
the  hand  of  Father  Eusebius,  of  Bourges,  a  Capuchin, 
in  1705.  We  learn  that  the  manuscript  was  made  over 
to  the  then  Ambassador  of  the  Venetian  Senate  at 
Paris,  Lorenzo  Tiepolo.  Tiepolo  became  librarian  of 
the  San  Marco  Library  in  1736,  and  Manucci's  manu- 
script is  entered  in  the  catalogue  made  during  his  tenure 
of  office,  although  we  have  no  record  of  its  transmission 
to  Venice. 

With  the  first  manuscript  sent  to  Europe,  in  1701, 
Manucci  also  sent  a  volume  of  portraits.  This  seems 
to  have  passed  out  of  the  Jesuits'  possession,  for 
Zanetti  catalogues  it  as  being  in  the  San  Marco 
Library  at  Venice  in  1741.  Since  then  it  has  become 
the  property  of  the  French  nation,  being  made  over 
to  them  in  1797,  and  is  now  to  be  found  in  the 
Cabinet  des  Estampes  at  the  Biblioth&que  Nationale 
in  Paris,  classed  as  O.D.  No.  45  (reserve). 

This  brief  sketch  of  the  man  and  his  work  will 
serve,  I  hope,  to  awaken  interest  in  his  story,  and 
perhaps  it  will  not  be  out  of  place  to  state  here  the 
reasons  which  suggested  that  a  volume  of  selections 
from  the  "  Storia  "  might  meet  with  success. 

The  "  Storia  do  Mogor,"  as  a  whole,  is  very  lengthy, 
and  somewhat  diffuse ;  and  a  great  deal  of  it  is 
interesting  only  to  the  student  and  the  scholar.  Some 
passages,  such  as  those  dealing  with  the  disputes 
between  the  Capuchins  and  Jesuits,  might  even  be 
called  wearisome,  whilst  to  many  people  the  mere 


x  INTRODUCTION 

appearance  of  the  four  weighty  volumes  is  quite 
alarming.  We  hoped,  therefore,  by  making  a  selection 
of  passages,  dealing  chiefly  with  Manucci's  own  life- 
story,  that  we  might  thus  give  a  sufficiently  faithful 
picture  of  the  man  and  his  career,  and  introduce  him 
in  this  way  to  many  readers,  who  otherwise  would 
never  have  made  his  acquaintance. 

In  conclusion,  I  wish  to  express  my  most  cordial 
thanks  to  Mr.  L.  Cranmer-Byng  for  his  kind  and  able 
assistance  and  advice, 


M.  L.  IRVINE. 


GRINDELWALD, 

January  II,  1913. 


CONTENTS 


INTRODUCTION pp.  v-x 

Departure  from  Venice — Service  with  Lord  Bellomont — Travel  i  in 
Turkey— Arrival  in  Persia— The  Shah's  banquet— Interview  with 
'Azamat-ud-daulah,  his  reply  on  behalf  of  the  King— Negotiations 
fail— Of  the  city  of  Isfahan,  Shiraz,  Lar,  and  Bandar  'Abbasi,  Hormuz 
Island— The  Port  of  Surat,  Burhanpur,  Sironj — Of  Saraes,  Narwar, 
Gwaliyar,  Dholpur,  Agrah — Lord  Bellomont  dies  at  Hodal — His 
property  seized — Manucci  at  Dihll,  Shahjahan  and  his  audience-hall — 
Ambassador's  property  released— Manucci  enters  Prince  Dara's 
service .  pp.  1-50 

Warlike  preparations — Dara  and  his  army  set  forth — Traitorous 
advice  to  Dara — Dawn  of  battle  day — Course  of  events — Dara's  defeat 
and  flight— Dara  at  Agrah,  Dihll,  and  Lahor — Manucci  starts  for 
Dihli — Adventures  on  the  way — He  rejoins  Dara — Dara  leaves  for 
Multan— M.  follows— Departure  for  Bhakkar— Siege  of  Bhakkar— 
Evacuation  of  Bhakkar — At  Lahor,  Primavera  killed — M.  escapes 
naked,  goes  to  Dihll,  refuses  to  serve  Aurangzeb  .  .  pp.  51-98 

Manucci  as  Medecin  Malgre*  Lui — Aurangzeb's  march  to  Kashmir — 
Details  of  march — Plan  of  encampment— M.  at  Dihli,  Agrah,  and 
Allahabad— Bathing  in  the  Ganges — Benares  and  Patnah — A  journey 
by  river — Arrival  at  Hugh" — A  marriage  proposal — Interference 
of  two  friars — M.  leaves  Hugll — A  rescue  from  Sati ;  M.  enters 
service  of  Jai  Singh — European  modes  of  fighting  on  sea  and  land — 
M.  negotiates  with  petty  rajahs — Spells  and  sorcery — M.  and  Shiva 
Jl ;  At  Bassain  and  Goa— M.  leaves  Goa— Attacked  by  thieves — At 
Aurangabad,  Agrah,  and  Dihll — M.  sets  up  as  a  physician — His  first 
patient— M.  and  Muhammad  Amln  Khan — A  false  accusation 
of  theft — He  is  protected  by  Fida,e  Khan — M.  and  Mahabat 

l£lian pp.  99-150 

xi 


xii  CONTENTS 

A  royal  patient,  successful  treatment — Use  of  human  fat  and  flesh — 
Europeans  persecute  Manucci — Attempted  murder — M.  and  the 
Pathan  widow — M.  as  an  exorcist — M.  leaves  Lahor — An  unlucky 
venture — M.  enters  service  of  Shah  'Alam — Sambha  Ji  plans  to 
seize  Goa — M.  and  the  Portuguese — Events  at  Goa — M's  embassy  to 
Sambha  Ji — Sambha  Ji's  envoy — M's  embassy  to  the  Mogul  fleet — 
Second  embassy  to  Sambha  JT — Arrival  of  Shah'  Alam — M.  and  Shah 
'Alam — M.  made  a  Knight  of  Sant  lago — M.  attempts  to  leave  Shah 
'Alam — He  is  recaptured,  granted  leave,  and  returns  to  the  royal 
camp — M.  again  takes  flight,  reaches  Gulkhandah,  is  brought  back 
again — A  fresh  escape — M.  reaches  Madras — his  marriage  pp.  151-197 

Why  Manucci  left  the  Mogul  country— His  service  with  Shah  'Alam, 
1680-85 — Royal  blood-letting — A  merry  jest — jealousy  of  native 
physicians — Successful  cases — Poor  rewards — Encounter  with  an 
angry  slave pp.  198-213 

Manucci  in  Madras — Employed  by  Governor  Gyfford — Life  in  San 
Thome — Jealousy  of  the  Goa  doctors — M.  as  envoy  to  Shah  'Alam — 
M.  tricked  by  a  Portuguese — Dalpat  Rao — Life  in  Goa — M.  and 
the  Inquisitor — Life  in  S.  Thome — Bishop  Caspar  Alfonso — M.  and 
the  Jesuits— M's  letter  to  Da,ud  Khan— M.  and  Da,ud  Khan— Da,ud 
Khan  visits  Governor  Pitt— Da,ud  Khan  departs  .  .  pp.  215-250 

Da,ud  Khan's  hostile  return — Manucci  acts  as  envoy  once  more — 
He  assists  the  French — The  French  envoy  successful — M.  visits 
Da,ud  Khan — The  French  and  the  Moguls — Fortresses  and  artillery — 
Vellore  fortress — Crocodiles — Da,ud  Khan  visits  San  Thome — An 
English  deputation — Marriage  of  Francois  Martin's  granddaughter — 
Illness  of  Francois  Martin — French  pirates — M.  and  the  French 
doctor's  son— Fate  of  the  French  doctor— M.  as  swashbuckler— He 
recalls  his  youthful  escapades — M's  house  at  Big  Mount  attacked — 
M.  and  Shah  'Alam — M.  and  Muhammad  Muqlm— M.  hides  himself — 
Friends  at  Court — A  good  appointment — Royal  blood-letting — M's 
offended  dignity — Accident  attributed  to  skill — A.  Legrenzi,  physician 
— Death  of  M's  wife pp.  251-289 

INDEX pp.  291-310 


NOTE 

Passages  placed  in  square  brackets  have  been 
supplied  by  the  Editor  to  connect  the  narrative. 


A  PEPYS  OF  MOGUL  INDIA 

PART  I 
MY   JOURNEY   TO    INDIA 

OF  MY  DEPARTURE  FROM  VENICE 

WHEN  I  was  still  quite  young,  I  had  a  passionate 
desire  to  see  the  world,  but  as  my  father  would  not 
allow  me  to  leave  Venice,  my  native  place,  I  resolved 
to  quit  it  in  some  way  or  another,  no  matter  how. 
Finding  that  there  was  a  tartane  just  about  to  leave, 
although  I  did  not  know  its  destination,  I  went  on 
board  in  1653,  at  the  age  of  fourteen.  The  officers  of 
the  vessel,  thinking  that  I  was  the  son  of  one  of  the 
merchants  who  were  going  on  board,  did  not  ask  me 
who  I  was,  but  let  me  pass  without  question.  We  had 
scarcely  left  Venice  before  we  ran  into  the  teeth  of  a 
gale  which  lasted  twenty-four  hours — hours  of  the 
greatest  misery  to  me,  as  I  was  sea-sick,  being  un- 
accustomed to  the  sea.  When  twenty-four  hours  had 
passed,  I  was  forced  by  hunger  to  present  myself 
before  the  captain,  who  asked  under  whose  protec- 
tion I  was  there.  I  begged  for  pardon,  saying  that, 
having  come  on  board  a  short  time  before  he  put  out 
to  sea,  I  had  fallen  asleep,  and  that,  finding  myself 
utterly  unprovided  for,  I  had  come  to  him.  At  this 
he  gave  orders  for  me  to  be  looked  after;  but 
fortunately  for  me  I  found  on  board  an  English 
gentleman  in  disguise  called  Lord  Bellomont.  He 
bad  left  England  to  escape  death  at  the  hands  of 

i 


2      I   TAKE  SERVICE   WITH   LORD    BELLOMONT 

Cromwell,  protector  of  that  kingdom,  who  had  con- 
demned him  because  he  belonged  to  the  party  of 
King  Charles  1 1.,  then  in  France.  This  person  showed 
me  much  affection,  and  when  he  asked  me  if  I  would 
like  to  go  with  him,  I  inquired  of  him  his  destination. 
He  then  told  me  he  was  going  to  Turkey,  Persia, 
and  India. 

I  was  much  rejoiced  thereat,  and  answered  that  I 
would  gladly  go  with  him,  when  he  at  once  gave  me 
the  keys  of  his  wardrobe,  and  I  served  him  with  great 
affection,  seeing  he  loved  me  as  if  I  had  been  his  son. 
We  arrived  at  Raguza,  where  we  stayed  several  days 
on  account  of  a  contrary  wind.  Having  at  last  set 
sail,  we  coasted  along  Dalmatia  and  past  several 
islands,  and  finally  leaving  the  Archipelago  behind, 
at  the  end  of  four  months  we  arrived  in  the  port  of 
Smyrna. 

Smyrna  is  a  Turkish  port,  and  there  is  a  mingling 
of  many  nations  there — namely,  Italians,  French, 
English,  Dutch,  and  many  Armenian  merchants, 
who  all  live  by  the  borders  of  the  sea.  At  the  time 
when  we  were  at  this  port  it  happened  that  a  Turk 
gave  several  blows  with  a  stick  to  the  captain  of  an 
English  vessel.  The  Englishman  swallowed  the  affront 
while  he  remained  in  the  town  waiting  to  embark,  and 
after  he  had  got  a  little  way  out  to  sea  he  bombarded 
the  town  and  fled. 

We  remained  seven  days  at  Smyrna ;  after  that  we 
started  with  a  caravan  for  the  town  of  Burca  (Brusa). 
On  the  road  we  suffered  much  from  cold,  owing  to 
the  large  amount  of  snow,  and  we  arrived  in  eight 
days  in  good  health. 

On  our  arrival  at  Burca,  an  ancient  town  of  the 
Greeks,  we  were  received  by  an  Armenian  called 
Anthoine  Cheleby,  who  acted  as  governor  of  the 
town;  and  further  seeing  that  we  should  have  to 
wait  a  long  time  before  we  could  meet  with  a  caravan 
leaving  for  Persia,  we  quitted  the  town  and  went  to 
live  in  the  country  house  of  the  said  Anthoine  Cheleby. 


ADVENTURES  ON  THE   WAY  3 

While  our  clothes  were  being  carried  out,  under  charge 
of  one  of  our  men  called  Charles,  a  Frenchman  and  a 
great  musician,  a  couly  (quit)  carrying  one  tin  case 
disappeared.  In  this  box  was  our  money,  also  the 
best  and  most  valuable  of  what  my  master  possessed. 
Great  efforts  were  made  to  recover  the  things,  but  all 
we  could  find  was  the  empty  box,  lying  outside  the 
town  in  the  middle  of  some  gardens.  In  this  difficulty 
Anthoine  Cheleby  gave  us  whatever  we  had  need  of 
for  the  expenses  of  our  journey. 

[After  fifty  days  in  Burca,  Lord  Bellomont  and  his 
retainers  left  for  Persia.] 

We  pursued  our  route  along  with  the  caravan, 
which  was  a  very  large  one.  In  it  were  several 
Armenian  merchants,  who  looked  after  our  food,  also 
our  horses,  mules,  and  camels.  We  put  up  in  their 
tents,  where  we  were  very  well  treated  ;  but  this  was 
not  done  without  an  object,  for  the  Armenians  are 
very  fond  of  their  own  interest.  After  some  days  we 
arrived  at  Tocat  (Tokat).  In  this  town,  which  lies 
among  mountains,  we  remained  eight  days,  after  which 
we  started  again  with  the  whole  caravan,  keeping  our 
eyes  ever  open  as  we  advanced  by  reason  of  the 
robbers  who  often  on  these  routes  attack  caravans. 
This  is  the  reason  why  men  travel  armed,  and  at  night 
sentinels  are  set  on  watch  on  every  side,  so  that  no 
one  can  come  near  the  encampment.  One  day  it 
happened  that  there  was  a  great  alarm,  some  horse- 
men having  appeared  who  wanted  to  rob  us.  Twenty- 
two  of  our  mounted  men  went  out  against  them,  and 
prepared  to  attack  them;  but  the  robbers  took  to 
flight.  Still,  one  of  them  was  caught ;  his  horse  being 
much  out  of  condition,  could  not  gallop  like  the  others. 
He  was  made  prisoner. 

The  next  day  the  robbers  sent  a  message  praying 
that  their  comrade  might  be  released,  and  10,000 
pataques  must  be  sent.  If  not,  they  would  attack  the 
caravan,  and  give  quarter  to  no  one.  This  news 
caused  some  apprehension  in  the  caravan ;  but  the 


4  TRAVELLING  IN  TURKEY 

leader  of  it,  who  was  a  brave  man  and  experienced  in 
these  journeys,  showed  no  fear,  but,  on  the  contrary, 
he  sent  word  to  them  in  a  rage  that  he  would  come 
out  in  pursuit  and  leave  not  one  alive.  Thus  the 
negotiations  on  both  sides  were  confined  to  threats 
and  defiance ;  and  this  went  on  for  three  days,  during 
which  the  robber  horseman  was  always  guarded  by 
two  of  our  mounted  men.  After  three  days,  one  night, 
while  the  caravan  was  asleep,  the  thief  escaped,  and 
the  quarrel  came  to  an  end. 

In  these  journeys  one  has  to  be  extremely  vigilant, 
taking  care  never  to  go  any  distance  from  the  caravan, 
for  those  who  do  so  run  a  very  great  risk  of  falling 
into  the  hands  of  clever  thieves,  and  of  losing  both 
goods  and  life,  as  has  happened  to  many.  If  any 
traveller  intends  to  make  this  journey,  he  will  do  well 
to  arm  himself  with  a  great  deal  of  patience,  and  take 
good  thought  of  the  hardships  and  disagreeables  which 
he  will  have  to  encounter  on  these  roads.  For  it  is 
not  as  in  Europe,  where  there  are  inns  in  which  all 
the  necessities  and  comforts  requisite  for  life  are  to  be 
found.  When  travelling  in  Turkey  you  must  sleep  on 
the  ground  on  a  piece  of  carpet,  or  on  the  top  of  some 
bale  of  goods,  where  you  suffer  from  the  cold.  Then, 
in  the  middle  of  your  sleep,  you  are  roused  hurriedly 
to  get  ready  and  load  up  the  camels  and  horses,  and 
start  on  your  way.  During  the  day  you  are  much 
troubled  with  the  heat  of  the  sun.  Often  it  happens 
that  the  Turks  seek  you  out  and  assail  you  with  much 
abuse,  and  subject  you  to  much  indignity  and  shame. 
In  these  encounters  it  is  wise  to  hang  your  head  down 
like  a  Capuchin,  and  not  open  your  mouth.  At  times 
it  is  necessary  to  bear  slaps  on  the  face  with  humility 
and  even  endure  beating  with  a  stick,  for  fear  of 
worse  happening.  For  if  a  hand  is  raised  by  chance 
against  a  Turk,  such  person  is  forthwith  either  forced 
to  become  a  Mahomedan,  or  he  is  decapitated.  The 
greatest  favour  accorded  to  him  would  be  to  let  him 
go  free  after  cutting  off  his  hand.  It  is  requisite  to 


TRAVELLING  IN  TURKEY  5 

inform  all  who  mean  to  travel  in  these  regions  that 
they  must  not  wear  anything  of  a  green  colour. 
Turks  only  may  wear  clothes  of  that  colour.  This 
remark  applies  to  Turkey,  for  in  Persia  and  in  the 
Mogul  Empire  Christians  can  wear  any  colour  they 
like.  But  the  Turks  are  very  particular  about  green, 
it  having  been  liked  and  approved  by  the  false  prophet 
Mahomed. 

No  traveller  need  to  expect  to  find  wine  on  the 
journey,  for  only  water  is  drunk.  In  order  never  to 
be  without  water,  it  is  necessary  to  have  a  bottle  hang- 
ing from,  or  attached  to,  the  beast  on  which  one  rides, 
and  thus  be  able  to  have  recourse  to  it  in  case  of 
need.  The  bottles  so  used  are  easily  procurable,  and 
are  sold  ready  for  use.  The  merchants  who  go  on 
these  journeys  also  carry  with  them  nets,  with  which 
they  can  catch  fish.  Many  buy  a  kind  of  boiled  sour 
milk  called  jugurd  in  the  language  of  the  country. 
It  is  put  in  a  say  (?  sieve),  so  that  the  water  in  it  may 
drain  away;  and  in  that  way  it  can  be  kept  several 
days.  We  ate  it  several  times  mixed  with  water,  put- 
ting in  it  biscuits  or  dry  bread,  or  it  was  mixed  with 
pelos  (?  pilao).  It  is  very  palatable.  When  any  dwell- 
ings are  met  with  you  can  get  eggs,  butter,  fowls, 
goats,  and  a  few  kinds  of  ripe  fruit.  But  it  is  advisable 
to  carry  with  you  some  dried  fruit,  meat  fried  in 
butter  and  packed  in  leather  vessels ;  also  sausages 
and  puddings  of  salted  beef,  for  it  is  at  times  im- 
possible to  obtain  any  food.  And  the  best  advice  that 
I  can  give  is,  not  to  allow  your  curiosity  to  carry  you 
so  far  as  to  look  into  the  earthen  houses  of  the 
country,  or  to  examine  the  peasants  who  dwell  in 
them,  for  thereby  one  runs  the  risk  of  a  thousand 
mishaps  and  evil  fortune. 

After  having  passed  over  this  wearisome  road  in  the 
midst  of  dangers  and  across  swamps,  we  arrived  at 
Erzerum,  where  are  to  be  found  many  Armenians, 
for  it  is  a  town  with  a  great  trade,  lying  upon  the 
Turkish  frontier.  There  we  remained  six  days. 


6  EkZERfiM  AND  ERIVAN 

Good  bread  and  plentiful  supplies  are  found  in  the 
town,  but  the  Turks  there  are  dishonest  boors  ;  they 
examined  our  baggage  with  great  severity  (a  common 
occurrence  in  this  town,  one  of  which  all  travellers 
complain).  We  were  able,  however,  to  conceal 
several  presents  that  we  were  carrying  for  the  King 
of  Persia.  At  the  end  of  the  six  days  we  left  the 
town  and  continued  our  journey.  After  marching 
for  two  days,  we  came  to  a  fortress  built  in  the  rock 
on  the  top  of  high  ground;  at  its  foot  was  a  small 
town  called  Hassamcala  (Hasanqala'h).  When  we 
had  passed  that  place,  and  on  the  same  day,  the 
men  of  Erzerum  examined  our  baggage  a  second 
time,  to  see  if  there  were  no  merchandise  hidden 
by  us ;  and  although  we  had  very  few  things,  they 
insisted  on  our  paying  customs  dues  a  second  time, 
finishing  up  by  cursing  us  as  they  bade  us  fare- 
well. However,  we  had  made  over  to  an  Armenian 
the  swords  that  we  were  taking  as  a  present  for  the 
King  of  Persia ;  we  had  also  confided  to  him  a  box  in 
which  were  the  letters  of  the  embassy.  This  man  had 
taken  another  route,  and  overtook  us  during  the  night 
at  a  place  where  we  were  free  from  the  attempts  of 
such-like  people. 

Next  day  we  continued  our  march,  and  after  going 
on  for  eight  days  we  reached  a  stream  called  the  Aras, 
over  which  one  has  to  cross  several  times.  In  the  end, 
by  slow  degrees,  we  arrived  on  Persian  territory, 
where  we  had  the  consolation  of  being  both  freer  and 
more  honoured  than  in  the  country  we  had  just  left. 
In  due  time  we  came  to  Erivan,  a  region  which  once 
on  a  time  belonged  to  the  Armenians,  and  thus  there 
are  still  a  great  many  of  them  living  there.  Erivan  is 
situated  just  in  front  of  a  great  mountain  called  Ararat. 
They  say  that  it  was  on  this  mountain  that  the  Ark  of 
Noah  rested.  At  a  distance  of  some  ten  leagues  from 
the  town  the  mountain  looked  as  if  entirely  covered 
with  ice  on  its  summit,  and  when  the  sun  shone 
on  it,  its  appearance  was  splendid.  There  are  many 


OUR  RECEPTION  AT  ERIVAN  7 

brooks  at  the  foot  of  this  mountain,  and  the  ground 
is  covered  throughout  the  year  with  sweet-smelling 
flowers.  The  town  is  enclosed  by  very  thick  and 
strong  walls  of  earth,  so  that  cannon  would  not  be 
able  to  do  as  much  damage  as  they  would  on  a  wall 
of  stone,  the  reason  being  that  the  stones  fracture 
while  the  earth  does  not.  The  country  round  is  fresh, 
fertile,  delicious,  abounding  in  oil  and  fruit.  We 
halted  for  ten  days. 

We  drew  up  at  a  spot  near  Erivan,  whence  the 
Armenians  who  were  with  us  went  to  inform  the  Cam 
(Khari)}  or  governor  of  the  place,  that  an  ambassador 
had  come  from  the  King  of  England,  Charles  II.,  son  of 
King  Charles  I.,  and  was  on  his  way  to  the  King  of 
Persia.  On  receiving  this  information  the  Khan  sent  at 
once  to  compliment  him  on  his  arrival,  and  invited  him 
to  enter  the  town.  On  the  following  day,  according  to 
the  usage  in  regard  to  all  ambassadors  who  come  to 
the  King  of  Persia,  we  were  well  received  in  the 
greatest  pomp  by  the  governor,  who  gave  a  banquet, 
and  presented  to  the  ambassador  four  horses  and 
several  pieces  of  silk.  Then  he  issued  orders  that 
every  day  our  wants  were  to  be  carefully  attended  to  ; 
we  and  our  animals  were  to  be  fed  plentifully.  We 
remained  in  this  place  ten  days,  receiving  numerous 
visits  and  passing  our  time  agreeably,  the  pleasure 
being  enhanced  by  seeing  ourselves  in  a  land  of  plenty, 
and  in  the  midst  of  a  people  more  polite  than  those  we 
had  just  left  behind.  When  we  were  ready  to  make  a 
start,  the  governor  sent  a  horseman  and  several  armed 
men  on  foot  to  accompany  us,  as  it  is  the  habit  to  do 
for  all  ambassadors.  These  men  go  on  ahead  and  get 
ready  whatever  is  required  for  food  and  repose  in  the 
villages.  Thus  we  were  relieved  of  all  trouble  and 
exertion. 

At  the  end  of  five  days  we  arrived  with  our  followers 
at  the  town  of  Tauris  (Tabriz).  This  town  is  the  same 
as  the  ancient  Ecbatana,  built  by  Arfaxad,  King  of 


8  OUR  ARRIVAL  AT  TABRIZ 

the  Medes,  as  may  be  read  in  the  Book  of  Judith 
chapter  i.  At  present  it  is  inhabited  by  people  of 
various  nationalities :  there  are  many  Armenian  mer- 
chants ;  many  carpets  are  manufactured,  and  also 
pieces  of  silk,  velvet,  and  brocade.  Although  the 
governor  was  not  actually  present  in  the  town,  having 
gone  to  one  of  the  provinces,  my  lord  was  acknowledged 
as  an  ambassador,  and  treated  as  is  the  custom  for  such. 
We  dwelt  for  some  thirty  days  in  this  place,  where  we 
equipped  ourselves  and  got  ready  new  clothes  to  be 
worn  on  our  arrival  at  the  court  of  the  King  of  Persia. 
He  was  then  at  Casbin  (Qazwin).  We  were  forced  to 
have  new  clothes,  those  we  had  being  of  Turkish 
pattern. 

Before  entering  the  town  I  noticed  an  open  place 
where  stood  two  pillars  which  marked  the  distance 
that  a  stick  had  been  thrown  by  Sultan  Morad  (Murad) 
the  Grand  Signer,  when  he  came  to  take  Tabriz.  But 
it  seems  almost  impossible  that  a  man  should  be  able 
to  throw  a  stick  so  far.  I  noticed  also  that  the  town  is 
fairly  large,  surrounded  by  gardens  which  contain  fine 
trees  yielding  good  fruit.  There  are  many  mulberry 
trees,  so  that  they  have  much  silk,  of  which  they  make 
various  kinds  of  stuff. 

At  the  end  of  thirty  days  we  started  again,  accom- 
panied as  before,  and  with  the  same  retinue.  As  we 
went  along,  I  saw  that  the  land  did  not  produce  so 
many  trees,  nor  was  water  so  plentiful  as  in  Turkey  ; 
for  in  Persia  they  are  forced  in  many  places  to  bring 
water  from  a  great  distance  through  underground 
channels.  They  make  big  holes  to  see  if  there  is 
running  water  underneath,  and  whether  it  is  suffi- 
cient. In  the  open  country  there  are  certain  dry 
plants  on  which  the  sheep  subsist  and  grow  fat. 
They  have  very  long  and  broad  tails  from  which 
much  fat  is  obtained,  and  their  wool  is  excellent. 
The  skins  of  these  sheep  are  very  soft,  and  the  wool 
curly ;  it  is  usual  to  make  fur  coats  from  them,  and 
also  hats.  I  have  also  noticed  in  Persia  that  there 


AT   QAZWlN  9 

is  no  firewood,  and  in  place  of  it  they  burn  cow- 
dung,  also  the  droppings  of  camels,  horses,  asses, 
and  sheep. 

HOW  WE  WERE  SENT  FOR  TWICE  TO  THE  ROYAL 
PALACE  AT  QAZW!N 

At  the  end  of  thirteen  days  we  arrived  at  the  city 
of  Qazwin,  where  the  king,  Xaabas  (Shah  'Abbas), 
was.  We  were  conducted  to  a  house  made  ready 
for  the  purpose ;  and  after  three  days  a  captain  came, 
accompanied  by  several  cavalry  soldiers,  to  visit  the 
ambassador  on  behalf  of  the  chief  ministers  of  the 
king.  He  presented  congratulations  on  our  arrival, 
with  many  compliments  and  offers  of  service.  Sub- 
sequently the  ambassador  paid  a  visit  to  the  chief 
minister,  called  Etmadolat  ('Azamat-ud-daulah),  which 
means  ''Modesty  of  Wealth,"  by  whom  he  was  well 
received  with  many  polite  speeches  and  compliments, 
in  which  the  Persians  are  never  wanting.  Between 
them  there  was  much  conversation  in  the  Turkish 
language,  the  chief  object  of  which  was  directed  to 
finding  out  what  presents  we  had  brought  for  the 
King  of  Persia ;  secondly,  to  know  the  ambassador's 
rank,  so  that  the  proper  honours  might  be  paid  to 
his  person.  Hearing  from  the  Armenians  that  he 
(Bellomont)  was  of  a  great  family,  'Azamat-ud-daulah 
sent  to  Smyrna  to  obtain  information  whether  or  not 
he  were  of  the  great  family  that  he  claimed  to  be. 
Meanwhile,  after  eight  days  from  our  arrival,  we 
were  sent  for  to  the  royal  palace,  into  which  we  went 
through  numerous  gates,  ending  in  a  large  court- 
yard, in  the  midst  of  which  stood  two  beautiful  trees 
full  of  shade.  Beneath  them  were  two  lions  fastened 
with  heavy  golden  chains;  before  each  lion  was  a 
large  golden  basin  full  of  water.  Also  below  each 
tree  stood  a  well-dressed  man  with  long  moustachios 
reaching  to  his  shoulders,  in  his  hand  a  short  spear 
all  of  gold,  with  his  face  turned  towards  the  royal 


io  PRIM  N  r.vriON  TO  SHAH  VMM 

seat.  We  wont  on  our  way,  and  next  came  to  an 
open  liall,  which  hatl  t\\<nl\  beautiful  -Mil  pill. us, 
ornamented  \\ilh  many  kinds  of  lloral  designs  ami 
mam  rohuued  en. iincl->.  llere  we  seated  ourselves 
in  the  expectation  that  the  king  would  come  out. 

An  horn  allerwaids  the  king  ai lived  in  great  state, 
wlieieupon  .ill  iosc  to  then  led,  and  ctosscd  their 
hands  on  their  breasts,  and  made  a  how  with  lowered 
heads.  This,  tOO,  was  (lone  by  the  ambassador, 
SCCing  that  this  Was  the  CUStoiu  o!  that  eourt.  Then, 
approaching  the  king,  he  delivered  to  him  the  letter, 
winch  the  king  took  with  his  own  hand,  ami  placed 
in  that  of  the  chief  minister,  who  stood  at  his 
side. 

The  king  seated  himself  in  his  place,  and  the  master 
of  ceremonies,  who  was  close  to  the  ambassador, 
pointed  out  to  him  his  place,  which  was  the  lifth  on 
the  right  hand.  He  was  to  sit  there.  On  taking  his 

seat    he    picsented  a   hi  east  plate,  a    headpiece  (lIMW 
and  sword  mountings,  all  ot   tine  work  made  at    Paris. 
All  these  were  accepted  by  the  king,  who  looked  at 

thr   amhassadoi    \\ilh    a    pleased    tace,    saying    to    him 

that  he  was  delighted  at  his  coming.  All  this  was 
spoken  through  an  interpreter,  an  Armenian,  who 

Was  in  our  employ.  Then  he  asked  after  the  health 
ot  the  King  ot  Kngl.md,  inquiring  it  he  had  any 

brothers,  if  he  were  married,  how  old  he  was,  and 

whether  he-  was  loved  by  his  people.  To  all  these 
questions  the  ambassador  replied  ;  and  after  the  lapse4 
ot  one  hour  the  king  rose,  saying  to  the  ambassador 
that  he  .should  take  lesi  and  ireoxei  horn  his  fatigues. 
Meanwhile  he  torwaided  to  Kspahao  (Isfahan)  the 

letter  brought  by  the  ambassador  m  order  to  have 

it  translated  by  a  I'apuchiu  trial  named  Kiev  Raphael 
Pumaiis,  well  acquainted  with  the  I'm  kish  and  1  Yi  siau 
languages,  a  priest  of  great  \  nines,  loved  by  the  king 
and  all  the  court. 

The   letter   having    been    translated,   the    king    sent 
to    the    ambassador   an    imitation   to   come   to   Court, 


THE  SHAH'S   BANQUET  n 

where  he  gave  him  a  banquet  at  his  own  table.  It 
was  given  in  the  hall  already  described,  which  was 
decorated  with  rich  brocade  and  handsome  cushions. 
In  the  assembly  was  the  king  seated  in  the  midst  of 
ten  persons.  That  is  to  say,  on  his  right  hand 
'Azamat-ud-daulah,  then  three  of  the  great  officials, 
and  in  the  fifth  place  the  ambassador,  and  on  his 
left  hand  other  five  men,  who  were  the  chief  generals 
then  actually  present  at  court. 

Below  the  royal  seat,  which  was  raised  the  height 
of  a  foot,  there  were  on  each  side  thirty  persons,  all 
men  of  rank  and  position. 

They  placed  in  front  of  the  king  twelve  large  basins 
of  gold  filled  with  polas  (puldo}  of  various  kinds,  and 
four  dishes  of  different  roast  meats,  six  porcelain 
vessels  holding  various  other  meats,  and  several  boxes 
having  their  covers  ornamented  with  all  sorts  of 
precious  stones.  Each  of  those  who  were  on  the 
two  sides  of  the  king  had  the  half  of  what  the  king 
himself  had  placed  before  him,  and  the  sixty  who  were 
farther  down,  away  from  the  king's  side,  had  each 
of  them  four  basins  of  pulao.  At  this  banquet  wine 
was  absent ;  and  although  the  king  knew  how  to 
drink  a  drop  or  two,  on  this  occasion  he  refrained 
as  a  matter  of  dignity.  When  the  first  course  was 
finished,  the  second  was  brought,  consisting  of  much 
fruit  and  numerous  sweet  dishes. 

The  reader  will  be  pleased  to  learn  what  puldo 
means.  Puldo  is  rice  cooked  with  many  spices : 
cloves,  cinnamon,  mace,  pimento,  cardamoms,  ginger, 
saffron,  raisins,  and  almonds,  to  which  is  added  the 
flesh  of  sheep,  or  fowls,  or  goats,  and  the  whole 
dressed  with  plenty  of  butter.  They  make  these 
puldos  of  many  sorts  and  of  different  flavours. 

When  the  feast  had  ended,  the  king  rose  and  said 
to  the  ambassador  that  he  might  start  for  the  city  of 
Isfahan,  for  which  he  himself  would  set  out  in  a  few 
days.  This  sending  off  of  milord  was  because  they 
were  waiting  for  the  answer  from  Smyrna,  whether 


12  WE   MOVE  TO   ISFAHAN 

it  was  true  that  he  had  been  sent  as  an  ambassador 
by  the  King  of  England,  Charles  II.,  and  whether 
he  was  of  the  rank  that  he  claimed.  At  the  end  of 
six  months  the  answer  came,  as  I  shall  mention 
presently.  Meanwhile  we  had  spent  fifty  days  in 
this  city  of  Qazwin,  and  every  day  there  came  to 
us  food  in  abundance  for  every  one  of  our  people, 
with  sufficient  wine,  and  whatever  was  necessary  for 
our  animals. 

The  city  of  Qazwin  stands  in  the  midst  of  several 
mountains ;  it  has  sufficient  water,  many  gardens, 
and  much  fruit,  a  fitting  place  for  the  holiday  re- 
sort of  a  king,  however  great  he  may  be,  where  he 
can  go  out  after  game,  with  which  the  country  is 
well  supplied. 

We  came  out  of  Qazwin  to  start  for  Isfahan,  and 
neither  at  the  time  of  leaving  nor  during  the  journey 
were  the  accustomed  supplies  delivered  to  us.  None 
the  less,  we  managed  to  make  our  journey  in  suffi- 
cient comfort,  and  in  twelve  days  we  reached  Isfahan, 
where  there  was  made  over  to  us  as  a  dwelling 
a  large  house  with  a  lovely  garden.  It  was  the 
property  of  the  general  of  the  king's  artillery,  who 
was  then  in  Qazwin.  There  we  fed  ourselves  at  our 
own  expense. 

Finally,  at  the  end  of  three  months,  when  winter  had 
passed,  the  king  arrived  at  Isfahan,  and  we  were 
obliged  to  leave  that  house  where  the  general  lived, 
and  they  made  over  to  us  another.  After  a  few  days 
the  ambassador  sent  a  message  to  'Azamat-ud-daulah 
that  he  desired  to  pay  him  a  visit,  but  the  answer 
returned  was  that  in  these  days,  the  king  being  newly- 
arrived,  he  was  very  much  occupied,  and  he  (the 
ambassador)  must  have  a  little  patience,  and  that 
notice  would  be  given  of  the  time  when  they  could 
meet. 

Thus  matters  were  kept  in  suspense  till  the  answer 
from  Smyrna  should  arrive.  Finally,  they  learnt  that 
without  any  doubt  the  Belmont  (Lord  Bellomont)  had 


INTERVIEW  WITH   'AZAMAT-UD-DAULAH        13 

been  sent  as  ambassador,  and  that  he  was  of  the  rank 
that  he  asserted.  Three  months  after  the  king's 
arrival  at  Isfahan,  'Azamat-ud-daulah  sent  for  the 
ambassador,  and  held  with  him  a  long  conversation. 
I  was  present  the  whole  time,  quite  close  to  the 
ambassador,  who  put  me  forward  as  his  son. 

In  the  speech  he  made,  he  (the  ambassador)  told 
how  the  king,  Charles  I.,  was  unjustly  beheaded  by 
his  subjects,  who  into  his  place  had  raised  a  man  of 
low  origin,  banishing  King  Charles  II.  and  his  brother 
James  from  the  kingdom,  and  persecuting  them.  He 
had,  therefore,  come  to  His  Majesty  of  Persia  to  ask 
for  help,  in  accordance  with  the  friendship  which  had 
always  existed  between  the  crowns  of  England  and 
of  Persia. 

'Azamat-ud-daulah  asked  in  what  way  could  his 
king  give  aid  such  as  he  required.  Then  the 
ambassador  replied  that  he  should  call  to  mind 
the  word  given  long  ago  by  the  King  of  Persia  to 
afford  help  to  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  should 
occasion  arise.  That  also  he  still  owed  for  the 
expenses  incurred  by  the  King  of  England  when 
he  sent  a  fleet  to  take  the  fortress  of  Orumus 
(Ormuz)  from  the  hands  of  the  Portuguese,  and 
made  it  over  to  Persia.  It  was  also  most  desirable 
that  he  should  assist  King  Charles  II.  at  this  con- 
juncture, by  expelling  from  his  dominions  all  the 
English  who  were  partisans  of  the  rebellion,  and 
compel  them  to  abandon  their  trade.  By  thus  doing 
the  praise  of  the  generous  acts  of  the  famous  Persian 
king  would  go  through  all  the  world.  'Azamat-ud- 
daulah,  having  listened  to  this  reasoning  with  a 
solemn  countenance,  replied  with  a  smile  that  he 
would  report  to  the  king  all  that  had  been  said,  and 
would  give  an  answer  afterwards.  With  this  ended 
the  interview. 

When  eight  days  had  elapsed  from  the  visit  to  the 
wazir  the  ambassador  was  invited  to  a  grand  banquet 
in  a  beautiful  palace  that  the  king  had  recently  com- 


14    HOW  WE  WENT   A  THIRD   TIME  TO  COURT 

pleted.  At  its  gateway  stood  the  large  and  handsome 
cannon  which  were  captured  at  Ormuz.  They  were 
near  a  large  reservoir  of  nice  appearance  and  very 
pleasant.  At  this  second  feast  which  the  king  gave 
him,  the  ambassador  was  treated  with  great  honours 
in  deference  to  his  embassy,  'Azamat-ud-daulah  and 
a  number  of  officers  proceeding  to  the  gates  of  the 
palace  to  meet  him,  and  continuing  in  his  suite  until 
he  arrived  before  the  king.  The  latter  caused  his 
guest  to  be  seated  in  the  second  place — that  is  to 
say,  'Azamat-ud-daulah  came  first,  then  the  ambas- 
sador, then  three  of  the  king's  officers;  there  being 
on  the  left  hand  five  other  persons,  the  greatest 
of  the  generals.  The  seat  was  larger  than  in 
Qazwin,  with  greater  richness,  and  the  room  more 
beautiful.  In  it  were  sundry  officials  and  captains, 
who  stood. 

There  was  not  much  conversation.  The  king  only 
asked  the  ambassador  whether  the  climate  of  Persia 
suited  him;  to  which  the  ambassador  replied  that, 
after  all,  the  climate  of  Persia  had  much  resemblance 
to  that  of  England,  by  reason  of  the  frosts  and  snows 
that  it  had.  I  was  standing  behind  the  ambassador, 
and  the  king  asked  who  I  was.  The  ambassador 
answered  that  he  looked  upon  me  as  his  son.  The 
king  said  to  him  that  if  he  chose  to  make  me  over  to 
him  he  would  treat  me  very  well,  and  thus  there 
would  be  a  memorial  of  him  left  at  the  court.  The 
ambassador  said  that  if  I  were  in  reality  his  son  he 
would  make  me  over  to  His  Majesty,  but  as  my 
parents  had  placed  me  in  his  care,  he  could  not  part 
with  me. 

This  was  the  conversation  that  we  had  until,  after 
one  hour  had  passed,  the  table  was  laid ;  it  was  much 
more  imposing  and  more  highly  adorned  than  the  one 
at  Qazwin.  The  place  where  the  king  was  seated 
was  larger,  and  the  carpets  of  greater  value  and  more 
beautiful.  The  king's  whole  table  vessels  were  of 
gold,  with  covers  having  handles  ornamented  with 


A  SECOND   BANQUET  15 

precious  stones.  In  the  lower  seats  were  on  each 
side  fifty  men,  all  nobles,  including  a  few  men  of 
learning.  Among  these  the  king  ordered  me  to  take 
my  seat.  Each  person  had  four  plates  full  of  pulao, 
also  various  dishes  of  roast  and  fried  meat,  and  some 
of  pickles.  I  noticed  that  all  these  men  were  of  large 
frame,  tall,  and  well  made,  with  huge  moustachios 
which  some  of  them  had  twisted  round  their  ears,  so 
that  they  might  not  fall  on  their  shoulders.  All  were 
well  clad  in  rich  stuffs,  and  wore  enormous  turbans. 
Many  of  them  ate  voraciously. 

The  first  course  being  finished,  they  set  before  us 
the  second,  consisting  of  a  great  quantity  of  fruit, 
which  in  Isfahan  is  very  plentiful.  This  course 
lasted  two  hours,  and  at  the  end  of  it  the  king  rose 
and  entered  the  female  apartments.  'Azamat-ud- 
daulah  conducted  the  ambassador  to  the  end  of  the 
room,  holding  him  by  the  hand,  saying  that  nothing 
should  be  wanting  on  his  part  to  do  him  service, 
with  many  amicable  speeches,  in  which  this  kind  of 
people  are  never  deficient. 

Some  days  elapsed  after  the  above  invitation,  when 
'Azamat-ud-daulah  sent  to  the  ambassador  from  the 
king  fifty  pieces  of  gold  and  silver  brocade,  velvet,  and 
various-coloured  silk,  four  pairs  of  handsome  carpets, 
and  2,000  patacas,  which  arrived  just  at  the  right  time  ; 
for  the  ambassador  had  run  into  debt  with  certain 
Armenian  merchants,  and  with  this  money  he  paid  his 
debt.  After  a  very  few  days  the  ambassador  went  to 
the  house  of  'Azamat-ud-daulah,  where  he  remained 
a  long  time  in  consultation,  the  subject  being  the 
following: 

The  ambassador  demanded  a  favourable  reply,  say- 
ing that  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  leave.  'Azamat- 
ud-daulah  made  use  of  many  friendly  expressions, 
but  was  not  desirous  of  answering  the  proposition 
laid  before  him.  By  putting  questions  he  feigned 
an  eagerness  to  know  whether  England  was  a  large 
kingdom,  how  many  men  it  could  place  in  the  field, 


16  A  PARADE  OF  CAVALRY 

if  there  were  a  route  to  it  by  land.  He  appeared 
to  be  much  amazed  that  all  the  kings  of  Europe, 
being  themselves  Christian,  did  not  afford  succour 
to  the  King  of  England. 

The  ambassador  replied  to  all  this,  but  chiefly  to 
this  last  question.  He  said  if  the  King  of  Persia 
would  pay  the  money  that  he  owed,  the  King  of 
England  could  then,  without  other  assistance,  obtain 
possession  of  his  kingdom,  and  seize  his  enemies. 
Seeing  the  stiff  answer  of  the  ambassador,  'Azamat- 
ud-daulah  succeeded  in  sending  him  away  with 
pleasant  words. 

During  the  time  the  ambassador  was  in  Isfahan, 
the  king  decided  to  have  a  parade  of  his  armed 
force,  and  make  a  display  of  his  power.  For  this 
affair  he  sent  an  invitation  to  the  ambassador.  We 
repaired  to  the  very  large  royal  hall,  containing 
forty  pillars,  which  has  an  outlook  on  the  great 
square.  In  this  hall  the  king  takes  his  seat  but 
rarely,  and  only  when  he  has  a  review  of  his  cavalry. 
These  reviews  are  held  twice  a  year ;  each  time  they 
last  three  days. 

We  went  one  day  only.  We  saw  the  cavalry  enter 
at  one  side  of  the  plain  and  march  out  at  the  other. 
The  soldiers,  forty  thousand  in  number,  were  mostly 
clad  in  mail,  and  bore  maces ;  some  squadrons  had 
lances,  others  bows  and  arrows,  others  matchlocks. 
All  were  mounted  on  good  and  swift  horses,  and  they 
carried  standards  bearing  devices.  At  the  end  of  the 
review  we  saw  two  Persians  bound  each  on  a  camel, 
with  their  bowels  protruding.  Their  offence  was 
causing  a  disturbance,  after  they  had  drunk  too  much 
wine.  These  men  were  conducted  thus  through  the 
city  until  they  died. 

The  ambassador,  although  somewhat  doubtful  of 
obtaining  an  answer  such  as  he  desired,  never  desisted 
from  importuning  'Azamat-ud-daulah,  reminding  him 
that  it  was  close  upon  a  year  that  he  had  been  in 
Isfahan  without  making  the  smallest  advances  in  the 


REPLY  OF  'AZAMAT-UD-DAULAH  TO  AMBASSADOR  17 

negotiations  for  which  he  had  come  so  far.  'Azamat- 
ud-daulah  put  him  off  from  day  to  day.  At  length, 
tired  out  by  so  many  remonstrances,  he  made  up  his 
mind  to  give  an  answer.  With  this  view  he  sent  a 
message  to  the  ambassador,  requesting  him  to  be  good 
enough  to  come  to  his  house,  as  he  wanted  to  speak  to 
him. 

We  repaired  to  the  house  of  'A^amat-ud-daulah, 
who  received  the  ambassador  with  many  gracious 
words  and  much  politeness.  Seating  themselves 
they  began  a  long  conversation  to  the  following 
effect :  'Azamat-ud-daulah  began  a  very  long  way 
off  by  remarking  that  the  King  of  Persia  was  a  great 
friend  of  the  King  of  England,  and  cherished  for 
him  the  same  amity  that  he  had  felt  towards  the 
former  kings,  his  ancestors;  he  greatly  desired  to 
assist  that  king,  chiefly  owing  to  the  great  necessity 
of  the  case.  This  was  the  reason  that  he  had  post- 
poned his  reply,  while  he  searched  for  and  con- 
sidered ways  in  which  he  could  give  assistance.  But 
he  could  find  no  manner  of  so  doing.  The  Persian 
cavalry  and  the  rest  of  their  troops  could  not  be  sent, 
by  reason  of  the  great  distance  by  the  land  route.  On 
the  road  were  many  kingdoms  through  which  they 
must  pass.  Thus  it  was  impossible  to  be  of  any  use 
by  sending  an  armed  force.  Then  he  had  sought  for 
some  means  of  helping  him  by  way  of  the  sea  ;  but  to 
send  a  great  fleet  he  saw  was  extremely  difficult.  In 
Persia  they  had  no  ships,  and,  should  they  attempt  to 
construct  them,  they  had  not  sufficient  materials  for 
the  purpose. 

Another  reason  for  the  long  delay  in  giving  an 
answer  was  this :  they  had  used  the  interval  to  find 
out  from  the  nations  of  Europe — the  Portuguese,  the 
Dutch,  and  even  the  English  themselves — whether 
they  could  purchase  any  ships  in  which  to  send  rein- 
forcements to  the  king.  But  in  spite  of  all  the  offers 
they  had  made,  they  could  not  obtain  what  they 
wanted.  The  ambassador  knew  well  that  this  was  all 


1 8  AMBASSADOR'S  ANSWER  TO  'AZAMAT-UD-DAULAH 

a  pretence,  but  he  kept  his  temper,  although  showing 
signs  of  impatience  at  all  this  long-winded  and 
superfluous  talk. 

When  'Azamat-ud-daulah  had  finished  this  long 
speech,  the  ambassador  began  as  follows  :  First  of  all, 
he  expressed  his  thanks  for  the  great  efforts  that  the 
King  of  Persia  and  'Azamat-ud-daulah  had  taken  to 
assist  the  King  of  England.  Then,  half  making  fun  of 
'Azamat-ud-daulah's  many  words,  he  said  to  him  that 
he  himself  had  a  much  easier  method  of  remedying  all 
this,  without  giving  trouble  to  the  Persian  monarch, 
and  without  fatiguing  the  Persian  soldiers,  so  famous 
throughout  Europe.  This  plan  was  that  the  King  of 
Persia  should  pay,  cash  down,  the  money  due  on  the 
bill  owing  to  the  King  of  England.  He  had  not  come 
all  that  long  journey  in  search  of  cavalry,  nor  a  fleet, 
nor  ships,  but  of  a  debt  in  arrears.  If  he  would 
excuse  him,  he  would  say  a  word  or  two  frankly. 
To  this  'Azamat-ud-daulah  replied  that  he  might 
speak  as  freely  as  he  liked.  Upon  this  the  ambas- 
sador continued  that  all  that  had  been  said  by  him 
showed  that  his  king  had  no  intention  of  paying 
the  debt.  'Azamat-ud-daulah,  in  a  deceptive  manner 
and  smiling,  said  that  his  king  wished  to  pay,  but, 
seeing  that  the  amount  demanded  was  very  large,  it 
would  require  a  great  number  of  beasts  of  burden, 
that  it  would  be  necessary  to  pass  through  other 
kingdoms,  that  possibly  he  might  be  robbed  on  his 
way.  Nor  was  the  difficulty  met  by  saying  that  he 
could  carry  the  amount  by  sea,  for  all  the  world 
knew  what  risks  were  run  at  sea,  both  of  being 
attacked  and  of  being  wrecked,  whereby  the  whole 
amount  would  be  lost. 

The  ambassador's  answer  was  that,  if  they  gave 
him  the  money,  he  knew  quite  well  how  to  take  care 
of  it  and  remove  it  in  safety.  If  they  paid  over  to 
him  a  sufficient  sum,  the  King  of  England,  his  master, 
would  have  no  other  demand  to  make.  He  would 
hold  himself  satisfied,  according  to  the  orders  he  had 


THE  NEGOTIATIONS   FAIL  19 

received,  as  set  forth  in  the  letters  he  had  presented. 
This  he  said  with  a  certain  show  of  emotion,  for  by 
this  time  he  saw  that  their  object  was  to  pay  him  in 
words. 

'Azamat-ud-daulah  hung  his  head  down  and  affected 
a  mild  expression  of  countenance,  then  said  in  a  low 
voice  :  "  Necessity  is  not  the  most  perfect  of  judges." 
He  added  that,  as  to  banishing  from  the  Persian 
realm  the  English  traders,  that  could  not  be ;  for  the 
king  had  allowed  them  willingly  to  enter  his  territory 
— the  land  of  Persia  was  free  to  all — and  the  king 
declined  to  turn  out  any  one  unless  he  had  been 
guilty  of  an  offence.  All  the  same,  they  would  grant 
him  (Bellomont)  leave  to  eject  them  from  the  kingdom 
himself  by  his  own  forces.  The  king  would  back 
up  neither  one  side  nor  the  other. 

Finally,  being  wearied  out,  the  ambassador  said,  with 
a  certain  amount  of  passion,  that  he  had  not  looked 
for  such  an  answer  from  a  king  of  such  fame  in  the 
world,  especially  after  the  Persian  kingdom  had 
received  aid  from  the  King  of  England,  at  great  cost 
to  the  latter.  'Azamat-ud-daulah  did  not  change 
countenance,  but  endeavoured  to  pacify  the  ambas- 
sador, saying  that  such  events  were  sent  from  above, 
that  never  was  all  that  we  asked  of  God  granted  us, 
that  in  due  time  God  would  bring  to  mind  his  king. 
Encouraging  him  and  consoling  him  with  kind  and 
soft  words,  he  added  that,  if  he  were  in  any  difficulty 
for  expenses,  he  could  send  to  his  interpreter,  who 
would  help  him.  Hearing  this,  the  ambassador  said 
not  a  single  word,  but  rose  hastily,  came  forth,  and 
returned  home.  When  he  had  arrived  there,  he  by- 
and-by  gave  an  order  for  the  sale  of  some  pieces  of 
cloth  and  some  carpets  which  still  remained,  to  provide 
for  our  road  expenses. 

The  above  conversation  was  in  Turkish,  which  I  could 
already  speak  and  understand  sufficiently.  Listening 
to  everything  with  the  greatest  attention,  I  admired 
the  way  in  which  'Azamat-ud-daulah  was  able  to 


20        AMBASSADOR'S   HAUGHTY  BEHAVIOUR 

evade  the  aggressive  answers  of  the  ambassador 
without  betraying  any  sign  of  ill-humour. 

The  firm  words  of  the  ambassador  were  the  cause 
of  their  giving  him  his  leave  to  depart  after  a  brief 
delay.  With  this  intent,  eight  days  after  the  above- 
mentioned  conversation,  he  was  sent  for  to  court  on 
behalf  of  the  king,  when  we  were  given  another  feast 
like  the  one  which  I  have  described,  and  in  the  same 
place.  At  the  end  of  the  banquet  'Azamat-ud-daulah 
took  the  ambassador  by  the  hand  and  led  him  in  front 
of  the  royal  seat  at  a  distance  of  two  or  three  paces, 
and  with  his  face  towards  the  king.  The  ambassador 
was  on  the  left  side  of  'Azamat-ud-daulah.  The  latter 
put  his  hand  into  his  pocket  and  drew  forth  a  bag  of 
gold  brocade,  in  which  was  a  letter.  Lifting  this  bag 
with  both  hands,  he  placed  it  on  his  head,  making  a 
profound  reverence  to  the  king,  bowing  his  head  most 
deeply.  Then  he  handed  the  said  bag  to  the  ambas- 
sador, saying  that  his  king  sent  that  letter  to  the 
King  of  England.  He  was  directed  to  make  obeisance 
as  he  had  seen  the  others  do.  During  this  short 
speech  'Azamat-ud-daulah  held  half  the  bag  in  his 
hand,  while  the  other  half  was  in  that  of  the  ambas- 
sador. As  soon  as  the  brief  speech  was  ended  the 
ambassador  drew  the  bag  from  the  hands  of  'Azamat- 
ud-daulah,  and  quickly  turned  his  back,  and  without 
any  sort  of  bow  held  it  out  contemptuously  to  the 
interpreter.  This  man  at  once  hastened  up  to  re- 
ceive the  letter  with  both  hands,  for  the  motion 
made  by  the  ambassador  showed  that,  if  he  did  not 
hurry  near,  the  ambassador  would  throw  the  bag 
at  him. 

Then,  without  any  civility,  or  any  sort  of  bow,  he 
left  'Azamat-ud-daulah  standing  where  he  was  and 
went  out,  his  head  high,  while  the  king  sat  with 
cast-down  eyes  as  if  he  saw  nothing  of  what  was 
passing.  All  those  present  remained  in  silent  wonder 
at  such  boldness.  I  was  quite  close  to  the  ambassador, 
and  came  out,  notwithstanding  with  some  amount  of 


OF  THE   CITY    OF   ISFAHAN  21 

dread,  anticipating  that  the  king  would  send  out  some 
order  to  have  us  killed.  But  we  were  not  interfered 
with. 

On  arriving  home  we  took  measures  to  prepare 
ourselves  without  delay  for  continuing  our  journey — 
in  fact,  we  did  so  at  the  end  of  nine  days ;  and  the 
ambassador,  not  being  provided  with  sufficient  funds 
for  our  expenses,  applied  to  the  head  of  the  English 
factory  at  Isfahan,  who  was  called  Mestre  Jhon 
(Mr.  Young),  a  very  short  man,  but  most  generous 
and  liberal,  as  I  made  note  of  from  the  feasts  and 
offerings  which  several  times  he  had  given  to  the  said 
ambassador. 

The  city  of  Isfahan  is  very  large,  situated  in  a  great 
plain  at  the  foot  of  some  IOWT  hills.  It  has  four  canals 
of  water,  which  flow  through  the  midst  of  it,  and  these 
serve  for  irrigating  the  gardens.  These  canals  issue 
from  a  river  which  flows  between  Julpha  (Zulfah) 
and  Isfahan ;  its  name  is  Senderuth  (Zindah-rud) ; 
over  it  are  four  bridges  somewhat  distant  from  each 
other.  Of  the  four,  two  are  especially  handsome — 
namely,  the  one  on  the  road  from  Isfahan  to  Julpha 
(Zulfah).  You  approach  it  by  a  long  and  wide  raised 
way,  adorned  on  both  sides  with  the  great  and 
beautiful  walled  gardens  of  the  king,  and  with  high 
trees,  called  in  Persian  "  chenar "  (chandr\  and  in 
European  languages  "  planes."  In  the  midst  thereof 
flows  one  of  the  aforesaid  canals  of  water,  which  fills 
various  reservoirs  for  the  use  of  the  said  gardens, 
and  goes  on  its  course  until  it  reaches  again  the 
river  from  which  it  was  taken.  Horses  are  ridden 
on  the  raised  way. 

There  are  many  seats  where  the  Persians  imbibe 
tobacco  from  crystal  "  guriguris,"  called  by  them 
"  caliao  "  (qaliyan),  which  are  long  and  narrow-necked 
circular  flasks  filled  with  water,  having  a  vessel  of 
tinned  copper  or  of  silver  in  the  shape  of  an  open 
flower  of  the  water-lily  stuck  into  its  (the  flask's) 
mouth,  and  filled  with  tobacco.  With  this  they  sit, 
3 


22  THE   CITY   OF   ISFAHAN 

telling  stories  until  late,  sometimes,  without  exaggera- 
tion, as  many  as  five  or  six  thousand  of  them. 

The  second  bridge,  which  is  the  finest  of  them  all, 
is  called  the  bridge  of  Xiras  (Shiraz),  thus  named 
because  when  going  from  Isfahan  to  Shiraz  you  cross 
over  it.  The  bridge  consists  of  three  stories  besides 
the  chief  one,  which  is  in  the  middle.  The  king  goes 
there  sometimes  with  his  harem,  and  he  can  descend 
to  the  water  without  being  seen.  By  all  these  stones 
you  can  cross  from  one  side  of  the  river  to  the  other. 
The  water  runs  over  dressed  stones,  made  artificially 
high  or  low,  so  as  to  produce  waves  pleasing  to  be- 
hold. 

I  noticed  that  the  houses  of  Isfahan,  and  those 
throughout  Persia,  seen  from  the  front,  are  not  pleas- 
ing, being  all  made  of  clay ;  but  they  are  lovely  inside, 
and  highly  decorated.  They  have  both  large  and 
small  gardens,  with  good  fruit  trees — that  is  to  say, 
pears,  apples,  peaches,  apricots,  mulberries,  sweet  and 
sour  quinces,  like  the  apples  of  Europe,  vines  of  Boas 
Vuas,  and  vineyards  of  Vuas,  grapes  without  stones, 
which  are  called  "quiximis  "  (kishmish),  many  kinds  of 
plums — and  all  the  varieties  of  flowers  that  grow  in 
Europe,  for  the  Armenians  are  very  fond  of  growing 
European  flowers,  and  present  them  to  the  Persian 
nobles.  The  Persians,  as  also  the  Moguls,  are  fond  of 
flowers  and  perfumes. 

In  front  of  the  royal  palace  is  a  large  plain,  where 
throughout  the  year  stand  fruit-sellers'  booths,  and  a 
large  quantity  of  exquisite  melons.  Here  they  drink 
coffee  and  smoke  tobacco ;  the  place  is  always  full  of 
people  going  and  coming.  Here  are  to  be  seen 
dancers,  wrestlers,  and  other  performers.  In  one 
corner  of  this  open  square  is  a  palace  where  musical 
instruments  are  played ;  and  there  stands  the  clock 
found  by  them  in  the  fortress  of  Ormuz,  which  they 
preserve  as  a  memorial  of  their  victory  over  the  Portu- 
guese. The  city  is  always  clean,  due  to  the  energy 
of  the  gardeners,  because  with  what  is  removed  from 


THE   CITY   OF   ISFAHAN  23 

the  streets  they  manure  their  gardens.  They  collect 
most  industriously  the  sewage  from  the  houses  for  the 
same  purpose.  This  is  a  great  help  to  keeping  the  air 
pure  by  not  allowing  dirt  to  accumulate  in  the  city. 
There  are  also  many  baths,  where  the  body  may  be 
washed.  The  soul  also  profits  (as  they  believe),  for 
when  they  wash  themselves  they  imagine  themselves 
to  be  absolved  from  their  sins.  Ablution  serves 
among  the  Mahomedans— and  speaking  always  with 
due  reverence — like  confession  and  absolution  among 
us  Catholics.  In  the  city  are  two  factories — one  of  the 
English,  the  other  of  the  Dutch.  There  are  also  four 
churches — one  of  the  Portuguese  Augustinians,  which 
the  present  king  caused  to  be  entirely  gilded  at  his 
own  expense,  and  he  went  there  several  times  to  see 
our  ceremonial.  Another  church  belongs  to  the  bare- 
footed Carmelites,  another  to  the  Jesuits,  another  to 
the  Capuchins. 

There  are  also  in  the  city  many  mosques,  among 
them  a  dome  with  two  tombs,  which  are  much 
venerated.  The  door  of  this  dome  is  only  opened 
once  a  year,  on  the  occasion  of  a  great  festival,  to 
which  flock  people  from  different  provinces  on  the 
appointed  day.  One  tomb  they  assert  to  be  that 
of  'Alt,  the  other  they  state  to  be  that  of  his  sons 
Assen  (Hasan)  and  Ossen  (Husain),  who  are  revered 
as  martyrs.  Others  declare  they  are  tombs  of  the 
companions  of  Muhammad,  although  he  had  no  court 
or  courtiers. 

We  were  now  to  continue  our  journey,  where- 
fore we  begged  the  help  of  Mestre  Jonh  (Henry 
Young),  who  gave  to  the  ambassador  the  assistance 
he  required.  We  wished  to  leave  Isfahan  in  com- 
pany with  the  said  Mestre  Jonh  (Henry  Young),  but 
we  could  not  conclude  our  business  in  time.  He 
left  several  days  before  we  did,  and  we  left  at  the 
end  of  September,  of  one  thousand  six  hundred  and 
fifty-two  (1652). 

During  our  journey  to  the  town  of  Xiras  (Shiraz) 


24  THE   TOWN   OF   SHIRAZ 

we  obtained  good  supplies  of  food,  but  the  road  is 
somewhat  difficult,  owing  to  the  mountain  ranges 
which  must  be  crossed,  where  horses  are  fatigued 
not  a  little  in  trying  to  keep  their  feet.  But  I  must 
allow  there  is  also  some  fine  open  country,  not- 
withstanding there  are  some  very  difficult  swamps. 
The  mountains  are  like  all  those  in  Persia — that  is 
to  say,  generally  bare  of  trees,  though  not  wanting 
in  fodder  for  sheep  and  goats,  which  in  some  places 
produce  the  stone  called  ftazar  (bezoar).  Of  these 
stones  I  will  speak  when  I  come  to  write  of  the 
kingdom  of  Gulkhandah,  where  there  is  an  abundance 
of  them. 

The  sheep  of  Persia  are  very  prolific;  they  bring 
forth  young  twice  a  year,  by  the  help  of  a  grain  called 
chicharos,  on  which  they  are  fed  at  a  certain  time 
of  the  year ;  and  their  wool  is  of  the  sort  already 
described  (p.  8). 

Finally,  at  the  end  of  fifteen  days'  travel,  we  arrived 
at  the  town  of  Xiras  (Shiraz),  where  we  stayed  for 
thirty  days,  the  ambassador  having  fallen  ill.  He 
received  many  visits  from  a  barefooted  Carmelite  friar, 
a  missionary  to  the  Armenians  who  dwell  here.  The 
air  of  this  town  is  very  fresh  ;  there  are  many  gardens 
with  good  fruit,  and  the  country  round  produces  a 
quantity  of  grapes ;  consequently  they  make  a  great 
deal  of  wine,  which  is  exported  to  all  parts  of  India. 
\  Although  the  law  of  the  Mahomedans  forbids  the 
drinking  of  wine,  still  the  King  of  Persia  permits  the 
English  to  make  it ;  but  they  only  produce  enough 
for  the  company  and  not  to  sell  to  others.  In  this 
region  there  is  no  deficiency  of  food  produced,  of 
oranges,  of  lemons,  nor,  above  all,  of  roses,  which 
they  distil,  and  the  rose-water  is  forwarded  in  boxes 
to  all  parts. 

One  of  the  wonderful  things  round  Shiraz  is  a 
famous  building  standing  at  a  distance  approximately 
of  two  leagues,  where  dwelt,  as  they  declare,  the  great 
Darius,  King  of  Persia,  who  was  defeated  in  battle  by 


SHlRAZ   AND   ITS   MUMIYAI  25 

Alexander  the  Great.  There  is  also  a  mountain  in 
which  is  a  cave  where  drips  a  liquid  called  by  the 
Persians  mumihay  (mumiyai).  This  liquid  belongs  to 
the  king  exclusively,  and  thus  the  cave  is  closed  by 
doors  and  guarded  by  vigilant  sentinels.  It  is  the 
business  of  these  men  to  collect  the  liquid  (which 
drips  in  minute  quantities)  and  then  forward  it  to  the 
king.  When  he  wishes  to  make  a  gift  to  anyone,  he 
gives  them  a  little  of  this  liquid.  This  is  on  account 
of  the  admirable  results  it  produces — that  is,  for  all 
bruises,  fractures  of  bones,  and  sores. 

If  what  they  say  is  true,  though  I  have  not  made  the 
experiment,  should  the  leg  of  a  cock  or  other  animal 
be  broken  and  you  take  of  the  above  liquid  ten  to 
fifteen  drops  and  give  it  to  the  animal  to  drink,  at  the 
same  time  anointing  the  wounded  place  with  it,  then, 
if  it  is  a  true  story,  in  twenty-four  hours  the  bones 
will  unite.  I  possessed  a  little,  given  me  by  one  of 
the  king's  eunuchs.  He  had  effected  wonderful  cures 
with  it.  The  principal  case  was  the  recovery  of  a 
stonemason  who  fell  from  a  great  height,  and  lay  with 
his  bones  broken,  blood  pouring  from  his  mouth, 
nostrils,  and  ears,  the  man  having  entirely  lost  his 
senses  and  being  without  hope  of  life.  In  two  days 
he  was  perfectly  well.  There  is  also  a  pond  (pauso) 
where  on  the  top  of  the  water  floats  a  ready-made  gum 
which  is  sold  by  the  natives  as  the  royal  liquid,  thus 
cheating  a  few  simpletons.  It  is  not  devoid  of  virtues, 
but  they  are  nothing  like  so  great  as  those  of  the  royal 
liquid. 

When  the  ambassador  began  to  recover  his  health, 
we  quitted  Shfraz,  and  in  nine  days  we  were  at  the 
fort  of  Lar,  which  they  say  was  formerly  much  larger, 
with  a  great  enclosed  space.  But  in  the  Middle  Ages 
it  was  quite  small,  inhabited  by  many  Hindus,  who 
bought  there  the  goods  brought  by  traders  from 
Isfahan  and  other  places,  and  then  exported  them  to 
many  countries,  principally  from  the  ports  of  Congo 
and  Bandar  'Abbas. 
3* 


26  LAR    AND   BANDAR    'ABBASI 

During  our  journey  from  Shfraz  as  far  as  Lar  we 
were  in  excellent  health,  but  were  in  some  concern 
lest  we  should  not  find  water  for  drinking  ;  for  on  the 
roads  the  water  which  is  used  is  that  collected  during 
the  rainy  season  in  great  cisterns.  The  earth  being 
salt,  the  water  which  flows  over  it  acquires  the  same 
property,  and  therefore  is  not  potable.  For  this  reason 
they  preserve  water  in  cisterns,  in  which  there  are  all 
kinds  of  filth,  and  it  is  only  out  of  absolute  necessity 
that  one  feels  inclined  to  drink. 

In  spite  of  this  defect  of  water  the  country  was 
sufficiently  humid,  and  many  places  had  their  gardens 
of  oranges,  of  palm  trees  and  date  trees  bearing  dates. 
In  Lar  we  obtained  sufficient  food  supplies,  but  water 
only  of  the  quality  described.  There  was  water  below 
ground  in  channels,  as  is  the  custom  over  almost  the 
whole  of  Persia.  The  fort  of  Lar  is  placed  upon  a 
small  hill  standing  in  the  midst  of  four  other  hills  of 
the  same  size.  Thus  the  fort  in  time  of  war  is  in  want 
of  protection  from  good  walls  and  dependent  edifices, 
for  an  enemy  who  occupied  the  aforesaid  hills  could 
easily  attack  the  fort. 

After  a  day's  rest  we  left  Lar  and  journeyed  through 
open  and  agreeable  country,  coming  to  different 
"  sarays "  (sardes),  where  we  obtained  grapes  and 
melons  for  our  consumption.  We  moved  between 
hills  of  salt,  we  crossed  several  streams,  whose 
crystal  clearness  invited  us  to  drink,  but  their  waters 
were  so  salt  that  no  one  could  even  pass  them  over 
his  tongue.  Among  the  rest  is  a  stream  called  Ryo 
Salgado  (Salt  River),  over  which  was  a  great  bridge  of 
more  than  thirty  arches.  In  nine  days,  after  sufferings 
enough,  we  arrived  at  Gomoram  (Gombroon),  of  which 
the  other  name  is  Bandarabassi  (Bandar  'Abbasi), 
meaning  "  Harbour  of  Shah  'Abbas " ;  for,  being  a 
port  on  the  sea,  it  is  called  "  Bander  "  (bandar),  and 
having  been  established  by  the  Great  Shah  'Abbas, 
they  have  added  "  abassi "  and  have  come  to  call  it 
Bandarabassi.  This  harbour  was  made  by  Shah 


HORMUZ   ISLAND  27 

'Abbas,  after  having  recovered  from  the  hands  of  the 
Portuguese,  with  the  aid  of  the  English,  the  famous 
island  and  fort  of  Orumus  (Hormuz). 

This  island  was  formerly  the  greatest  and  most 
frequented  port  on  the  ocean,  where  dwelt  traders 
to  every  region  in  India — men  of  great  wealth — so 
that  a  merchant  possessing  more  than  a  million  of 
patacas  (about  £100,000)  was  not  a  man  of  very  great 
account  Shah  'Abbas  considered  that  by  making 
himself  master  of  Hormuz,  and  transferring  the  port 
to  the  mainland,  lying  not  over  a  league  from  the 
island,  he  would  be  able  to  draw  all  this  wealth 
into  Persia.  But  he  was  frustrated  in  his  object 
because  the  traders  were  afraid  of  his  interfer- 
ence. The  island  has  many  hills  of  salt,  and  the 
climate  is  therefore  prejudicial  to  life.  Notwith- 
standing this,  the  Persians  are  so  jealous  about  the 
island  that  they  do  not  wish  a  single  European  to 
set  foot  in  it. 

After  we  had  been  at  Bandar  'Abbas  three  days,  the 
ambassador  ordered  me  to  go  to  the  English  factory  to 
speak  to  the  chief,  requesting  him  to  send  a  trust- 
worthy person  to  discuss  certain  negotiations  of 
great  importance.  The  chief  sent  to  him  Mestre  Pit 
(Mr.  Pitt),  who  had  acted  as  page  to  the  English 
gentleman  desirous  of  speaking  to  Shah  'Abbas. 
With  him  there  was  a  full  hour's  discussion.  Next 
day  the  chief  himself  came  with  the  officials  of  the 
factory  to  visit  the  ambassador.  Offers  were  made 
to  him  to  serve  him  in  every  way  they  could.  At  the 
time  there  was  an  English  vessel,  belonging  to  a 
private  owner,  about  to  sail  for  the  port  of  Surrati 
(Surat).  They  asked  the  ambassador  to  embark  in 
her,  as  she  would  be  the  last  vessel  to  leave  Bandar 
'Abbas  in  that  monsoon.  Then  we  ate  mutton  which 
came  from  Hormuz,  also  good  and  cheap  fish  caught  in 
the  harbour. 

The  water  at  Bandar  'Abbas  is  either  rain-water  or 
brackish,  and  of  such  bad  quality  that  it  disorders  the 


\ 


28  WE   LEAVE   FOR   SINDl 

bodily  humours,  and  generates  worms  as  long  as  your 
arm,  which  appear  on  the  hands,  jaws,  and  legs. 
When  they  begin  to  show  themselves  you  must  lay 
hold  of  them  by  the  head,  and  pull  at  them  daily, 
winding  them  round  a  hide  (?  twig)  or  cloth  very 
slowly.  For  if  they  break  they  turn  inwards,  causing 
great  pain  and  becoming  very  difficult  to  cure.  For 
this  reason,  everybody  who  can  do  it  sends  to  fetch 
water  by  camels  from  inland,  three  leagues  off,  at  a 
place  called  Hixin.  The  climate  of  this  port  is  most 
noxious  by  reason  of  the  salt  ridges,  and  of  certain 
hot  winds,  and  the  noise  of  the  sea.  I  noted  that 
many  of  the  inhabitants  had  defective  sight  and  teeth, 
and  I  was  informed  that  on  this  coast,  as  far  as  Arabia 
and  Mecca,  they  suffered  from  these  ailments  by 
reason  of  the  many  dates  they  eat ;  for  the  larger 
number  of  the  inhabitants  live  upon  that  fruit  in 
addition  to  fish. 

Two  days  after  the  visit  that  the  Englishmen  had 
paid  to  the  ambassador — that  is  to  say,  on  the  fifteenth 
of  December  of  one  thousand  six  hundred  and  fifty- 
two  (1652  ;  should  be  1655) — we  went  on  board  the 
said  vessel.  During  the  whole  of  our  voyage  the 
captain  treated  us  with  great  politeness  and  civility. 
Setting  sail,  we  arrived  in  twelve  days,  having  favour- 
able winds,  at  a  port  in  the  Great  Mogul's  territory 
called  Sindi.  There  the  vessel  anchored,  and  we 
travelled  up-stream  by  the  river  for  a  whole  night  to 
an  inhabited  place,  which  stood  twelve  hours' journey 
from  the  sea.  This  river  is  a  very  large  one,  it  being 
formed  of  seven  rivers  which  flow  down  from  the 
interior  of  the  country,  as  I  will  relate  hereafter. 
Here  we  saw  many  Arabian  and  Persian  vessels 
which  import  great  quantities  of  dates,  horses,  seed- 
pearls,  incense,  gum-mastic,  senna-leaves,  and  Jew's- 
stones,  which  come  from  Mecca.  In  return  they  load 
up  with  white  and  black  sugar,  butter,  olive  oil,  and 
cocos,  which  medical  men  call  nos  Indica  (Indian  Nut). 
Of  this  product  and  its  virtues  I  will  make  mention 


THE   PORT   OF   SURAT  29 

farther  on.  They  also  export  many  kinds  of  white 
linen  (?  cotton  cloth)  and  printed  goods  which  are 
manufactured  in  the  same  region.  When  the  business 
was  finished  that  our  captain  had  to  do  at  this  place, 
we  left  it,  and  returned  to  the  vessel.  Setting  sail,  we 
arrived  in  a  few  days  at  the  port  of  Surat  on  the 
twelfth  of  January  of  one  thousand  six  hundred  and 
fifty-three  (1653  ;  correctly  1655-6). 

As  soon  as  we  anchored  milord  went  ashore 
secretly,  following  the  advice  given  to  him  by  our 
captain  and  by  a  private  trader  to  seek  a  refuge  in 
the  town.  For  the  English  were  going  to  seize  him 
and  put  him  by  force  on  board  one  or  other  of  the 
English  vessels,  then  in  harbour  and  about  to  sail 
for  England.  It  produced  great  astonishment  in 
me  to  see  how  milord  landed  without  breathing  a 
word  to  me.  But  I  heard  the  reason  afterwards 
when  I  reached  Surat,  bringing  all  the  baggage 
which  was  in  my  charge.  There  we  found  Mestre 
Jonh  (Henry  Young),  who  had  left  Persia  a  short 
time  before ;  and  my  master  announced  that  he  had 
come  as  an  ambassador  from  the  King  to  the  Great 
Mogul. 

When  the  Governor  of  Surat  heard  of  the  am- 
bassador's arrival,  he  ordered  his  secretary  to  pay 
him  a  visit.  The  message  thus  brought  was  that 
rumour  said  he  had  come  as  ambassador,  therefore 
he  was  requested  to  state  whether  this  was  true  or 
not.  It  was  necessary  for  him  (the  governor)  to  send 
a  report  to  the  Emperor  Xaaiahan  (Shahjahan),  then 
ruling  over  the  Empire  of  the  Great  Mogul.  The 
ambassador  replied  that  it  was  correct,  that  he  could 
write  in  all  confidence,  and  announce  his  arrival. 
Before  I  say  anything  of  our  stay,  I  will  state  some- 
thing about  this  port. 

I  was  much  amused  when  I  landed  to  see  the  greater 
number  of  the  inhabitants  dressed  in  white  clothes,  also 
the  many  different  kinds  of  people,  as  well  men  as 
women.  The  latter,  mostly  Hindus,  do  not  conceal 


30  EFFECTS   OF   EATING   BETEL 

the  face  as  in  Persia  and  Turkey,  where  women  go 
about  with  their  faces  hidden.  It  is  true  that  the 
Mahomedan  women  do  not  allow  their  faces  to  be 
seen  by  anyone,  it  being  contrary  to  their  law  to 
allow  themselves  to  be  seen  with  an  uncovered  face. 
But  among  other  things  I  was  much  surprised  to  see 
that  almost  everybody  was  spitting  something  as  red 
as  blood.  I  imagined  it  must  be  due  to  some  com- 
plaint of  the  country,  or  that  their  teeth  had  become 
broken.  I  asked  an  English  lady  what  was  the  matter, 
and  whether  it  was  the  practice  in  this  country  for 
the  inhabitants  to  have  their  teeth  extracted.  When 
she  understood  my  question,  she  answered  that  it 
was  not  any  disease,  but  (due  to)  a  certain  aromatic 
leaf,  called  in  the  language  of  the  country,  pan,  or 
in  Portuguese,  betele.  She  ordered  some  leaves  to 
be  brought,  ate  some  herself,  and  gave  me  some 
to  eat.  Having  taken  them,  my  head  swam  to  such 
an  extent  that  I  feared  I  was  dying.  It  caused  me 
to  fall  down,  I  lost  my  colour,  and  endured  agonies, 
but  she  poured  into  my  mouth  a  little  salt,  and 
brought  me  to  my  senses.  The  lady  assured  me 
that  every  one  who  ate  it  for  the  first  time  felt  the 
same  effects. 

Betel,  or  pan,  is  a  leaf  similar  to  the  ivy  leaf,  but 
the  betel  leaf  is  longer  ;  it  is  very  medicinal,  and  eaten 
by  everybody  in  India.  They  chew  it  along  with 
"arrecas"  (arecd),  which  physicians  call  Avclans 
Indicas  (Indian  filberts)  and  a  little  catto  (kath  or 
kattha),  which  is  the  dried  juice  of  a  certain  plant  that 
grows  in  India.  Smearing  the  betel  leaf  with  a  little  of 
the  kath,  they  chew  them  together,  which  makes  the 
lips  scarlet,  and  gives  a  pleasant  scent.  It  happens 
with  the  eaters  of  betel,  as  to  those  accustomed  to  take 
tobacco,  that  they  are  unable  to  refrain  from  taking  it 
many  times  a  day.  Thus  the  women  of  India,  whose 
principal  business  it  is  to  tell  stories  and  eat  betel,  are 
unable  to  remain  many  minutes  without  having  it  in 
their  mouths. 


OUR   STAY   IN   SURAT  31 

It  is  an  exceedingly  common  practice  in  India  to 
offer  betel  leaf  by  way  of  politeness,  chiefly  among  the 
great  men,  who,  when  anyone  pays  them  a  visit,  offer 
betel  at  the  time  of  leaving  as  a  mark  of  goodwill,  and 
of  the  estimation  in  which  they  hold  the  person  who 
is  visiting  them.  It  would  be  a  great  piece  of  rudeness 
to  refuse  it. 

We  remained  for  seventy-five  days  in  that  port — i.e. 
Surat — the  revenues  of  which  had  been  given  by  Shah 
Jahan  to  his  daughter,  Begom  Saeb  (Begam  Sahib)  to 
meet  her  expenditure  on  betel.  During  this  time  we 
were  making  our  preparations  for  going  on  to  the 
court  of  the  Great  Mogul.  I  was  much  gratified  at 
seeing  such  plenty  in  this  place,  for  I  had  never  had 
such  a  satisfaction  since  (I  left)  my  Venice,  and  felt 
proud  at  staying  some  days  in  this  port,  especially 
after  the  arrival  of  the  French.  During  the  time  we 
stayed  the  English  never  ceased  to  offer  a  thousand 
civilities  to  milord,  the  ambassador.  But  his  true 
friends  told  him  not  to  trust  them,  for  all  they  did 
was  in  order  to  get  hold  of  him  and  carry  him  off 
to  England.  They  did  their  very  best  once  to  per- 
suade the  ambassador  to  go  on  board  of  an  English 
vessel,  then  about  to  depart  for  England,  under  the 
pretext  of  offering  him  a  banquet  with  all  the  state 
befitting  his  dignity.  But  the  truth  was  that  they 
wanted  to  confine  him  in  the  ship,  and  he  most 
politely  made  excuses.  Then  we  began  to  get  to- 
gether our  baggage,  for  which  purpose  the  ambas- 
sador was  in  want  of  funds.  Mestre  Jonh  (Henry 
Young)  secretly  offered  to  supply  all  that  was  re- 
quired, whether  in  money  or  in  different  sorts  of 
goods,  among  the  latter  some  fine  broadcloth,  a 
handsome  clock,  an  Arab  horse  for  a  present  to  the 
king,  with  swords,  pistols,  matchlocks,  and  numerous 
playthings.  We  started  from  Surat  bearing  a  pass- 
port given  us  by  the  governor,  and  in  fifteen  days 
we  reached  the  town  of  Brampur  (Burhanpur),  where 


32  THE  TOWN   OF   BURHANPUR 

was  the  court  of  the  Prince  Aurangzeb,  with  whom 
we  had  much  to  discuss.  We  did  not  meet  with  him, 
by  reason  of  his  being  at  that  time  in  Orangabad 
(Aurangabad). 

We  found  Brampur  (Burhanpur)  a  town  of  medium 
size,  and  without  a  wall.  Aurangzeb,  in  the  year 
one  thousand  six  hundred  and  seventy-six,  being  then 
absolute  king,  caused  it  to  be  enclosed  by  a  bulwark 
and  wall  along  the  bank  of  the  river  which  flows 
beneath  it.  This  river  is  not  very  large,  but  its  waters 
are  clear  and  good.  The  town  is  much  frequented 
by  Persian  and  Armenian  traders,  on  account  of 
the  many  excellent  kinds  of  cloth  manufactured 
there,  chiefly  various  sorts  of  women's  head-dresses 
(toucd)  and  cloth  for  veils  (beatilha),  scarlet  and  white, 
of  exceeding  fineness ;  also  for  the  quantity  of  iron 
procured  there. 

In  this  town  there  is  plenty  of  fruit,  such  as 
ambah)  or  mangas  (mango) — the  best  fruit  to  be  found 
in  India — oranges,  limes,  citrons,  and  grapes  in  abun- 
dance. There  is  also  in  this  town,  as  throughout  the 
kingdom  of  the  Mogul,  a  large  supply  of  vegetables 
of  various  sorts.  On  the  road  to  this  town  we  found 
every  day  different  streams  and  brooks  with  good 
water ;  also  villages,  shady  and  pleasant  woods, 
peopled  with  many  varieties  of  animals  of  the  chase, 
such  as  harts,  stags,  gazelles,  wild  oxen  (ores),  pea- 
cocks, cooing  doves,  partridges,  quail  (cordernizcs), 
blackbirds  (tordo),  geese  (patto\  ducks  (ades),  widgeon 
(marecas\  and  many  sorts  of  birds. 

1  would  warn  the  reader  never  to  stray  far  from 
his  companions,  because  he  might  come  across  robbers 
in  these  woods.  When  they  find  any  person  apart 
from  his  company  they  rob  him.  I  was  very  near 
falling  into  their  hands,  for,  having  gone  some  dis- 
tance from  the  rest  of  the  caravan,  I  had  got  off  my 
horse.  I  was  about  to  shoot  at  a  peacock  with  my 
matchlock,  when  all  of  a  sudden  there  came  out 
towards  me  two  men  with  bows  and  arrows,  who 


BURHANPUR   TO  SIRONJ  33 

with  signs  and  calls  invited  me  to  approach  them. 
But  I,  apprehending  what  they  wanted,  went  on  my 
way  in  the  direction  the  rest  of  the  company  had 
gone,  never  ceasing  to  have  an  eye  upon  those  men. 
These,  seeing  me  choose  a  different  direction,  placed 
arrows  in  their  bows  and,  hastening  their  pace,  came 
after  me,  trying  to  overtake  me.  Seeing  that  other- 
wise I  could  never  escape  them,  I  stopped  and  put 
my  matchlock  to  my  cheek  as  if  I  meant  to  fire. 
Frightened  at  my  firmness,  they  placed  their  hands 
on  their  heads  as  a  sign  of  politeness,  and,  turn- 
ing their  backs,  fled  with  even  more  agility  than 
when  they  had  followed  me.  I  continued  on  my 
way  in  dread  of  a  similar  encounter,  and  thus  I 
learnt  nevermore  to  leave  the  rest  of  the  travellers, 
and  I  put  off  my  longing  to  go  out  shooting  until 
we  should  reach  some  place  or  village.  Then  I 
went  out  to  shoot,  and  without  hindrance  killed 
whatever  I  wished,  there  being  no  scarcity  of  things 
to  kill. 

We  delayed  eight  days  in  Burhanpur,  then,  re- 
suming our  journey,  we  came  in  six  days  to  a  river 
called  the  Narbada,  where  there  was  a  town  called 
Andia  (Handiyah);  there  was  also  on  the  bank  of 
the  above-named  river  a  little  fort,  situated  at  the 
crossing-place.  This  river  is  a  great  breadth,  and 
full  of  large  stones.  Its  waters  divide  the  lands  of 
the  Dacan  (Dakhin)  from  those  of  Industan  (Hindu- 
stan), which  word  means  "  Hindudom  "  (gentilidade, 
place  of  the  heathen). 

We  crossed  the  river,  and  after  going  eight  days 
through  jungle,  we  arrived  at  a  large  town  called 
Seronge  (Sironj),  which  in  old  days  was  founded  by 
a  Hindu  prince,  but  at  present  the  overlord  thereof 
is  the  Grand  Mogul.  This  town  lies  in  the  midst  of 
the  territories  of  several  Hindu  princes  of  the  Rajput 
tribe.  Of  these  the  nearest  and  most  powerful  is  the 
Rajah  Champet  Bondela  (Champat  Rae,  Bundelah), 
whose  country  extends  to  twenty  leagues  from  Agra 


34  SARAES 

(Agrah),  and  he  has  command  over  fifteen  thousand 
horsemen,  and  three  hundred  thousand  infantry. 

For  the  use  of  wayfarers  there  are  throughout  the 
realms  of  the  Mogul  on  every  route  many  "  sarais  " 
(sardes).  They  are  like  fortified  places  with  their 
bastions  and  strong  gates ;  most  of  them  are  built 
of  stone  or  of  brick.  In  every  one  is  an  official  whose 
duty  it  is  to  close  the  gates  at  the  going  down  of  the 
sun.  After  he  has  shut  the  gates  he  calls  out  that 
everyone  must  look  after  his  belongings,  picket  his 
horses  by  their  fore  and  hind  legs,  above  all  that  he 
must  look  out  for  dogs,  for  the  dogs  of  Hindustan 
are  very  cunning,  and  great  thieves.  I  may  find 
a  good  opportunity  to  speak  of  the  cunning  of 
these  dogs. 

At  six  o'clock  in  the  morning,  before  opening  the 
gates,  the  watchman  gives  three  warnings  to  the 
travellers,  crying  in  a  loud  voice  that  everyone  must 
look  after  his  own  things.  After  these  warnings,  if 
anyone  suspects  that  any  of  his  property  is  missing, 
the  doors  are  not  opened  until  the  lost  thing  is  found. 
By  this  means  they  make  sure  of  having  the  thief, 
and  he  is  strung  up  opposite  the  same.  Thus  the 
thieves  when  they  hear  a  complaint  made,  drop  the 
goods  somewhere,  so  as  not  to  be  discovered. 

These  sardes  are  only  intended  for  travellers  (soldiers 
do  not  go  into  them).  Each  one  of  them  might  hold, 
more  or  less,  from  800  to  1,000  persons,  with  their 
horses,  camels,  carriages,  and  some  of  them  are  even 
larger.  They  contain  different  rooms,  halls,  verandahs, 
with  trees  inside  the  courtyard,  and  many  provision- 
shops,  also  separate  abodes  for  the  women  and  men 
who  arrange  the  rooms  and  the  beds  for  the  travellers. 
I  will  speak  hereafter  of  the  deceits  of  all  these, 
when  I  come  to  talk  of  the  Sultan  Amayum  (Hu- 
mayun). 

We  halted  four  days  in  Sironj,  and  then  went  on 
our  way  across  inaccessible  mountains,  with  numer- 


NARWAR,   GWALIYAR  35 

ous  beautiful  trees,  and  traversed  by  crystal  streams, 
whose  waters  are  most  wholesome,  doing  no  harm 
to  those  who  drink  them  fasting,  rather  they  are 
beneficial,  and  most  palatable.  In  six  days  we 
reached  the  town  of  Narvar  (Narwar),  which  lies 
at  the  foot  of  a  great  range  of  hills  six  leagues  in 
circumference.  On  the  very  highest  point  of  these 
hills  is  a  fortress,  which  occupies  all  the  level  ground 
on  the  summit,  with  a  circumference  of  two  miles — a 
little  more  or  less — with  many  houses  and  rooms ; 
a  work  made  long  ago  by  the  Hindus.  But  in  the 
course  of  years,  and  by  the  inclemency  of  the  weather, 
the  walls  are  crumbling  away  through  the  negligence 
of  the  Mogul  king.  His  object  is  to  destroy  all  the 
strong  places  of  the  Hindus  of  which  he  can  get 
possession,  so  that  their  conquered  princes  may  not 
rebel  against  him.  His  only  anxiety  is  to  fortify 
and  supply  the  forts  that  are  on  the  frontiers  of  his 
kingdom. 

We  did  not  halt  at  this  place,  but  pressed  onwards. 
In  five  days  we  arrived  at  the  well-known  fortress 
of  Gualior  (GwaliySr),  where  it  is  usual  for  the  Mogul 
to  keep  as  prisoners  princes  and  men  of  rank.  This 
fortress  is  on  the  top  of  a  great  mountain  having 
a  circuit  of  three  leagues.  It  is  in  the  middle  of  a 
fertile  plain,  and  thus  there  is  no  other  high  ground 
from  which  it  could  be  attacked. 

There  is  only  a  single  road  to  ascend  it,  walled  in 
on  both  sides,  and  having  many  gates  to  bar  the  way, 
each  having  its  guard  and  sentinels.  The  rest  of  the 
hill  is  of  rock,  perpendicular  as  a  wall,  though  made 
by  Nature.  All  around  this  mountain  are  to  be  seen 
many  balconies,  lanterns  (?  kiosks),  rooms  and  veran- 
dahs in  different  styles  of  architecture,  with  Hindu 
sculptures — all  of  this  making  the  view  most  agreeable 
and  pleasant  to  the  visitor. 

On  the  crest  of  the  mountain  is  a  great  plain,  on 
which  are  sumptuous  palaces  with  many  balconies 
and  windows  of  various  kinds  of  stone,  and  delightful 


36  DHOLPUR,  AGRAH 

gardens  irrigated  from  many  crystal  springs,  where 
cypress  and  other  lovely  trees  raise  their  heads  aloft, 
so  as  to  be  visible  from  a  distance.  Within  this 
fortress  is  manufactured  much  oil  of  jasmine,  the 
best  to  be  found  in  the  kingdom,  the  whole  of  the 
level  ground  on  the  summit  being  covered  with  that 
shrub.  There  are  also  in  this  district  many  iron- 
mines,  of  which  numerous  articles  are  made  and 
sent  to  the  principal  cities  in  the  Mogul  country. 

In  the  town,  which  lies  at  the  foot  of  the  hill,  there 
dwell  many  musicians,  who  gain  a  livelihood  with 
their  instruments,  and  many  persons  maintain  that 
it  was  on  this  mountain  that  the  god  Apollo  first 
started  Hindu  music. 

Continuing  our  route,  we  came  in  three  days  to  the 
river  called  the  Chambal,  at  which  is  the  town  named 
Dolpur  (Dholpur),  where  Arangzeb  gave  battle  against 
his  brother  Dara  (Dara  Shukoh),  in  the  year  one 
thousand  six  hundred  and  fifty-six  (correctly  1658), 
at  which  I  was  present,  and  to  which,  farther  on, 
I  shall  refer.  Thence  in  four  days  we  arrived  at  the 
city  of  Agrah,  having  ended  by  doing  four  hundred 
and  sixt}^  leagues,  for  such  is  the  number  reckoned 
from  Surat  as  far  as  Agrah.  At  this  place  the  governor 
assigned  to  us  a  handsome  house  to  stay  in. 

We  remained  in  this  city,  of  which  1  will  speak  on 
a  future  occasion,  and,  a  few  days  after  our  arrival, 
the  Englishmen  who  at  that  time  were  present  at 
their  factory  came  to  visit  the  ambassador,  showing 
themselves  desirous  of  being  useful  to  him,  making 
him  frequent  and  handsome  offers.  But  these  the 
ambassador  would  in  no  way  accept.  After  several 
visits  they  invited  him  to  their  house,  where  they 
gave  him  a  splendid  feast,  with  dressed  meats  and 
beverages  after  their  style.  The  ambassador  com- 
plained very  much  of  the  great  heat  that  has  to  be 
endured  in  that  country,  and  the  English  offered  him 
a  powder,  declaring  that  if  he  mixed  it  and  drank  it 
he  would  experience  great  relief  and  coolness. 


BELLOMONT   DIES   AT    HODAL  37 

When  a  few  days  had  passed  we  resumed  our  route 
for  Dely  (Dihll),  where  at  that  moment  the  king, 
Shahjahan,  was  living.  Then,  after  three  days  from 
our  leaving  Agrah,  towards  the  evening,  when  in 
sight  of  the  place  where  we  meant  to  halt  for  that 
night,  the  ambassador  called  out  to  me  in  great  pain, 
asking  me  for  water.  Then  he  expired  without  al- 
lowing me  time  to  give  it  to  him,  those  being  the  last 
words  that  he  uttered.  He  died  on  the  twentieth 
of  June  of  one  thousand  six  hundred  and  fifty-three 
(correctly  1656),  at  five  o'clock  in  the  evening.  We 
carried  the  body  at  once  to  a  sarae  called  Orel  (Hodal), 
between  Agrah  and  Dihll,  and,  it  being  already  late, 
we  did  not  bury  him  that  night.  The  official  at  the 
sarae  sent  notice  to  the  local  judicial  officer,  who 
hastened  to  the  spot,  and,  putting  his  seal  on  all  the 
baggage,  laid  an  embargo  upon  it.  I  asked  him  why 
he  seized  and  sealed  up  those  goods.  He  answered 
me  that  it  was  the  custom  of  that  realm,  and  that  he 
could  not  release  the  things  until  an  order  came  from 
court,  they  being  the  property  of  an  ambassador. 

After  seven  hours  of  the  night  had  passed  we 
removed  the  body  of  the  defunct  from  the  palanquin 
in  order  to  enshroud  it,  and,  as  day  began  to  dawn, 
we  proceeded  to  lay  him  in  the  grave.  Taking  him 
by  the  arms  I  tried  to  lift  him,  but,  while  in  my  hands, 
a  blister  burst,  from  which  exhaled  such  a  fetid  odour 
that  all  those  standing  by  nearly  fainted  and  fell 
down.  We  were  forced  to  cease  to  lift  him,  and  await 
the  day.  When  day  arose  we  somehow  or  other  put 
him  into  a  coffin,  with  all  the  haste  that  the  odour 
compelled,  and  interred  him  on  the  bank  of  a  re- 
servoir which  adjoined  the  town,  marking  the  spot 
so  that  his  bones  might  be  transported  elsewhere, 
as  accorded  with  the  rank  of  such  a  person.  And 
as  a  fact  they  removed  the  remains  after  fifteen  months 
to  the  city  of  Agra  (Agrah). 

Having  interred   the  ambassador,  the  servants  all 
disappeared,  and   I  was  left  alone,  sad  and  anxious, 
4 


38  AMBASSADOR'S   PROPERTY   SEIZED 

having  nothing  to  console  me,  nor  anywhere  to  turn 
in  order  to  recover  my  things,  which  had  been  sealed 
up  by  the  official  along  with  the  ambassador's,  al- 
though all  the  keys  were  in  my  possession. 

After  we  had  buried  the  ambassador  I  wrote  to 
the  English  factory  at  Agrah,  informing  them  of  his 
death,  and  of  the  embargo  imposed  by  the  local 
officials  on  his  property  as  well  as  mine,  wherefore 
I  prayed  them  to  send  me  the  necessary  recommenda- 
tory letters.  I  received  no  answer;  but  eight  days 
afterwards  two  Englishmen  appeared,  one  called 
Thomas  Roch  (?T.  Roach),  and  the  other  Raben 
Simitt  (?  Reuben  Smith),  dressed  after  the  fashion  and 
costume  of  the  country,  men  in  the  service  of  the 
King  Shahjahan,  and  captains  of  the  bombardiers  in 
the  royal  artillery. 

They  came  to  visit  me,  and  when  I  saw  them  I 
asked  what  they  had  come  about.  They  informed 
me  that  they  had  come  under  the  king's  orders  to 
carry  away  the  property  of  the  ambassador,  which 
lapsed  to  the  crown.  To  that  I  retorted  by  asking 
if  they  bore  any  order,  whereupon  they  laughed,  and 
asked  who  I  might  be.  I  told  them  I  was  the  servant 
of  the  ambassador,  that  the  property  in  question  had 
been  made  over  to  me,  that  I  did  not  mean  to  let  it 
go  without  their  delivering  to  me  my  belongings— 
that  is,  two  muskets,  four  pistols,  clothes,  and  other 
trinkets,  which  had  been  set  apart  Their  answer 
was  that  the  whole  belonged  to  the  king,  and  without 
another  word  they  went  to  find  those  who  had  put 
on  the  seals,  and  obtaining  their  consent  made  them- 
selves masters  of  everything,  arranging  to  remove 
the  whole  to  the  city  of  Dihli. 

I  did  not  mean  to  abandon  the  property,  and  re- 
solved to  set  out  in  their  company.  On  the  road 
they  showed  me  not  the  least  little  sign  of  civility, 
such  as  Europeans,  even  of  different  nations,  are 
accustomed  to  display  in  all  parts  of  Asia  when  they 
come  across  each  other.  Many  a  time  did  I  entreat 


MANUCCI   REACHES   DIHLl  39 

them  for  God's  sake  to  make  over  to  me  what  was 
mine;  but  as  they  saw  I  was  only  a  youth  they 
scoffed  at  me,  and  said :  "  Shut  your  mouth ;  if  you 
say  a  word  we  will  take  your  horse  and  your  arms 
away."  Seeing  there  was  no  other  way  out  of  it,  I 
dissembled  for  the  time  being,  but  never  despaired 
of  getting  back  what  belonged  to  me. 

After  three  days'  journey  we  arrived  at  Dihli,  where 
the  Englishmen  deposited  the  property  in  a  same, 
put  seals  on  the  room  doors,  and  told  me  to  go  about 
my  business.  Then  I  began  to  make  request  that 
they  would  be  so  good  as  to  separate  my  property 
from  that  of  the  ambassador,  and  make  it  over  to  me, 
for  it  did  not  belong  to  the  king.  They  burst  out 
laughing  and  mocked  me,  giving  me  the  customary 
answer.  As  I  took  my  leave  I  prayed  them  to  do 
me  the  favour  of  telling  me  their  names,  so  that  if 
anyone  called  me  to  account  about  that  property  I 
should  be  able  to  defend  myself  by  pointing  out  the 
persons  who  had  taken  possession  of  it.  I  expressed 
my  astonishment  that  they  should  lock  up  in  a  sarde 
room  property  that  they  said  belonged  to  the  king. 
I  asked  them  angrily  whether  the  king  had  no  other 
place  in  which  to  store  the  goods  he  owned  ;  but  they 
knew  quite  well  that  the  property  did  not  belong  to 
them,  and  that  they  were  taking  the  king's  name  in 
vain,  solely  in  order  that  they  might  get  hold  of  other 
people's  goods.  They  replied  that  there  was  no  need 
to  know  their  names.  As  for  my  second  remark  they 
only  set  to  laughing,  and  thus  went  away  in  apparent 
triumph,  not  foreseeing  what  was  to  happen  to  them. 

I  retired  to  a  room  in  the  same  sarde,  not  far  from 
the  one  where  the  property  was.  Then  I  found  out 
the  names  of  those  two  Englishmen,  so  as  to  be  able 
to  take  my  own  measures.  Being  anxious  to  know 
what  was  going  on,  there  turned  up  on  a  visit  to  me 
a  Frenchman,  called  Clodio  Malier,  a  founder  em- 
ployed in  the  artillery  of  Dara,  first-born  son  of  Shah- 
jahan.  With  him  I  talked  over  what  had  happened 


40  MANUCCI   APPLIES    TO   THE   WAZlR 

to  me  with  those  two  Englishmen,  and  said  again  that 
it  did  not  seem  to  me  possible  that  so  great  a  monarch 
as  the  Mogul  king  should  possess  no  other  place  to 
store  the  goods  that  belonged  to  him  than  a  mere 
same,  where  travellers  took  up  their  quarters.  The 
Frenchman  assured  me  that  the  Englishmen  had  not 
seized  the  goods  by  order  of  the  king,  but  that  Thomas 
Roach,  learning  of  the  ambassador's  death,  had  sent 
in  a  petition  to  the  prince  Dara,  by  whom  he  was 
favoured,  in  the  following  terms :  "  A  man  of  my 
country,  a  relation  of  mine,  came  from  Europe,  his 
purpose  being  to  obtain  the  honour  of  serving  under 
your  highness,  but  his  good  fortune  was  of  such  little 
duration  and  so  scanty  that  he  was  unable  to  obtain 
his  desire,  being  overtaken  by  death  on  reaching  the 
same  of  Hodal,  whereupon  those  who  govern  in  that 
place  laid  an  embargo  upon  his  goods.  Therefore  I 
pray  as  a  favour  that  your  highness  be  pleased  to  issue 
orders  for  their  delivery  to  me." 

The  prince  dealt  with  this  petition  as  Thomas  Roach 
hoped,  but  Raben  Semitt  (Reuben  Smith),  getting 
word  of  what  Thomas  Roach  was  about,  held  it  not 
to  be  right  that  he  should  acquire  the  whole  of  the 
ambassador's  property,  that  it  must  be  divided  between 
the  two  of  them.  Thus  he  (R.  Smith)  accompanied 
him  (T.  Roach)  as  far  as  Hodal.  Should  he  not 
consent  to  a  division,  he  (R.  Smith)  threatened  to  tell 
the  whole  story  to  the  king.  Thomas  Roach  accepted 
the  situation,  so  as  not  to  lose  the  whole.  This  was 
the  story  told  me  by  Clodio  Malier,  who  bade  me 
adieu  with  much  civility  and  many  offers  of  service. 
Being  thus  informed  of  what  was  going  on,  and  con- 
fiding in  my  knowledge  of  the  Turkish,  but  more 
especially  of  the  Persian  language,  which  is  that 
chiefly  used  and  most  current  at  the  court  of  the 
Mogul,  I  resolved  to  go  to  the  secretary  of  the  king, 
whose  name  was  Vizircan  (Wazir  Khan)  to  lodge  a 
complaint.  For  this  purpose  I  went  to  his  house,  and, 
obtaining  permission  to  enter,  I  reported  to  him  what 


MANUCCI   TAKEN   TO   THE    PALACE  41 

was  going  on.  He  directed  me  to  sit  down  opposite 
to  him,  alongside  one  of  his  sons,  who  was  of  my 
age. 

The  secretary  asked  me  if  I  knew  the  accustomed 
mode  of  making  obeisance  before  the  king  by  those 
who  enter  his  presence.  I  answered  that  I  did.  As 
he  displayed  a  desire  to  see  me  do  this,  I  arose,  stood 
quite  erect,  and,  bending  my  body  very  low  until  my 
head  was  quite  close  to  the  ground,  I  placed  my  right 
hand  with  its  back  to  the  ground,  then  raising  it, 
put  it  on  my  head,  and  stood  up  straight.  This  cere- 
monial I  repeated  three  times,  and  this  is  done  to  the 
king  only.  The  secretary  was  delighted  to  see  a 
foreigner,  young  in  years  and  newly  arrived  in  the 
city,  make  his  obeisances  so  confidently.  I  was  dressed 
like  a  Turk,  with  a  turban  of  red  velvet  bound  with 
a  blue  ribbon,  and  dressed  in  satin  of  the  same  colour ; 
also  a  waist-cloth  of  gold-flowered  pattern  with  a  red 
ground.  He  was  amused  to  see  me  got  up  like  this, 
and  asked  the  reason  for  adopting  such  a  costume, 
and  why  I  did  not  adopt  the  Mogul  fashions,  where- 
upon I  acquainted  him  of  the  journey  that  I  had  made 
and  the  countries  through  which  I  had  passed. 

During  this  time  a  notice  reached  him  that  the 
king  had  decided  to  hold  an  audience  that  morning. 
Then,  rising  at  once,  he  took  me  with  him  to  the 
palace,  telling  me  that  it  was  requisite  for  me  to  go 
with  him  before  the  king. 

He  warned  me  that,  when  I  came  into  the  king's 
presence,  I  must  perform  the  same  obeisances  that  I 
had  practised  before  him.  When  we  got  to  the 
palace  the  king  had  already  taken  his  seat  on  the 
throne.  The  secretary  directed  two  men  to  present 
me  to  the  king,  while  he  (the  secretary)  should  be 
talking  to  him.  Accordingly  they  did  present  me, 
ordering  me  to  appear  in  front  of  the  king  at  a 
distance  of  fifty  paces,  waiting  until  he  should  take 
notice  of  me  before  I  made  my  obeisance. 

I  had  noticed  that,  when  the  secretary  reached  the 
4* 


42         SHAHJAHAN   AND   HIS   AUDIENCE-HALL 

place  where  is  the  railing,  he  made  one  bow,  such  as 
I  had  done  at  his  house ;  then,  when  close  to  the 
throne,  he  made  three  bows ;  and,  approaching  still 
nearer,  he  began  to  speak  to  the  king.  After  a  few 
words  he  raised  his  hand  towards  where  I  was,  as  if 
pointing  me  out.  The  king  raised  his  eyes  towards 
me,  then  the  courtiers  with  me  told  me  to  make  my 
obeisances,  which  I  did.  The  secretary  went  on  with 
his  conversation,  which  I  could  not  overhear  by  reason 
of  the  distance  at  which  I  was.  All  those  who  were 
present  before  the  king  were  standing  ;  only  one  man 
was  seated  at  the  side  of  the  throne,  but  his  seat  was 
lower,  and  this  was  the  Prince  Dara,  the  king's  son. 

I  noted  that  the  throne  on  which  the  king,  Shahjahan, 
was  seated  stood  in  front  of,  and  near  to,  the  palace 
of  the  women,  so  that  as  soon  as  he  came  out  of  its 
door  he  reached  the  throne.  It  is  like  a  table,  adorned 
with  all  sorts  of  precious  stones  and  flowers,  in 
enamel  and  gold.  There  are  three  cushions — a  large 
one,  five  spans  in  diameter,  and  circular,  which  serves 
as  a  support  to  the  back,  and  two  other  square  ones, 
one  on  each  side ;  also  a  most  lovely  mattress  :  for  in 
Turkey,  and  throughout  the  whole  of  Hindustan,  they 
do  not  sit  upon  chairs,  but  upon  carpets  or  mattresses, 
with  their  legs  crossed.  Around  the  throne,  at  the 
distance  of  one  pace,  are  railings  of  gold,  of  the  height 
of  one  cubit,  within  which  no  one  enters  except  the 
king's  sons.  Before  they  enter  they  come  and,  facing 
the  king,  go  through  their  obeisance,  then  enter  the 
palace  and  come  out  by  the  same  door  from  which  the 
king  issued.  Arriving  there,  they  again  make  obeis- 
ance, and  upon  a  sign  from  the  king  they  take  their 
seat  in  the  same  enclosure,  but  at  the  foot  of,  and 
on  one  side  of,  the  throne.  Thereupon  the  pages 
appear  with  the  umbrella,  parasol,  betel,  spittoon, 
swrord,  and  fly-brusher. 

Below  the  throne,  several  feet  lower  than  it,  a  space 
is  left,  sufficient  for  the  secretary  (?  zvaztr)  and  the 
greatest  officials  of  the  court.  This  space  is  sur- 


SHAHJAHAN   AND   HIS   AUDIENCE-HALL        43 

rounded  by  a  silver  railing.  Near  it  stand  "  grusber- 
dares  "  (gurz-barddrs) — that  is  to  say,  the  bearers  of 
golden  maces,  whose  duty  it  is  to  carry  orders  from 
the  court  to  princes  of  the  blood  royal.  After  a 
descent  of  a  few  more  steps  there  is  another  space 
of  greater  size,  where  are  the  captains  and  other 
officials,  also  the  "  grusberdares  "  (gurz-bardars)  with 
silver  maces,  who  convey  the  orders  of  the  court  to 
the  governors,  generals,  and  other  princes.  These 
are  placed  with  their  backs  to  a  railing  of  wood  painted 
vermilion,  which  surrounds  the  space. 

The  hall  in  which  stood  the  royal  seat  is  adorned 
with  twenty  highly  decorated  pillars,  which  support 
the  roof.  This  roof  stretches  far  enough  to  cover  the 
spaces  enclosed  within  the  silver  railing,  and  is  hidden 
half-way  by  an  awning  of  brocade.  Further,  a  canopy 
over  the  king's  throne  is  upheld  by  four  golden 
pillars. 

Outside  the  wooden  railing  is  a  great  square,  where, 
close  to  the  railing,  stand  nine  horses  on  one  side  and 
nine  on  the  other,  all  saddled  and  equipped.  Near 
to  the  pillars  are  brought  certain  elephants  on  every 
day  that  the  king  gives  audience,  and  there  they  make 
their  obeisance,  as  I  shall  describe  when  I  speak  of 
the  elephants.  Behind  the  horses  already  spoken  of 
were  four  handsomely  adorned  elephants,  and  in  the 
square  a  considerable  number  of  soldiers  stand  on 
guard.  At  the  end  was  a  great  hall,  where  were 
stationed  the  players  on  instruments,  and  these,  upon 
the  king's  appearing  to  give  audience,  played  very 
loudly,  to  give  notice  that  the  king  was  already  in  the 
audience  hall. 

The  silence  preserved  was  astonishing,  and  the 
order  devoid  of  confusion.  For  this  purpose  there 
are  officials,  whose  business  it  is  to  see  that  the 
people  are  placed  in  proper  order.  Some  of  these 
officials  held  gold  sticks  in  their  hands,  and  these 
came  within  the  silver  railing.  The  others  carried 
silver  sticks,  and  they  took  great  heed  that  throughout 


44     THE   AMBASSADOR'S   PROPERTY   RELEASED 

the  court  nothing  was  done  which  could  displease 
the  king. 

After  1  had  received  my  permission  to  go  I  left 
in  the  company  of  the  two  courtiers,  and  returned 
to  the  sarae.  There  I  showed  them  where  I  had 
put  up,  and  the  room  in  which  was  the  property. 
Thereupon  they  broke  the  seals,  and  brought  out 
all  the  things,  and  carried  them  away. 

The  next  day,  about  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
there  came  two  servants  of  the  secretary  (wazir)  to 
fetch  me.  They  took  me  to  his  palace,  where  I  found 
him  seated  in  the  same  hall  where  I  had  spoken  to 
him  the  day  before.  As  I  came  in  I  observed  that 
the  ambassador's  property  was  lying  there.  I  made 
the  usual  obeisance  to  the  secretary  (wazir).  Then 
with  a  pleasant  look  on  his  face  he  asked  me  if  I 
identified  the  two  thieves,  pointing  with  his  hand 
to  one  corner  of  the  hall.  Noticing  this,  I  turned  my 
face  that  way,  and  saw  the  two  English  impostors, 
loaded  with  iron,  fetters  on  their  feet  and  shackles 
on  their  necks,  and  very  much  ashamed,  being  afraid 
that  they  would  be  decapitated. 

Turning  again  to  the  secretary,  I  craved  leave  to 
speak  to  them,  and  going  near  to  them  I  said :  "  It 
would  have  been  more  honest  to  let  me  have  the 
little  that  was  mine,  but  then  you  wanted  to  acquire 
more  than  was  yours ;  you  suffer  through  your  excess 
of  greed,  and  in  your  desire  to  embrace  all  you  are 
left  with  nothing.  You  laughed,  you  scoffed,  and  had 
no  tenderness  for  me,  and  now  I  sorrow  for  love  of 
you,  and  feel  compassion  for  the  miserable  condition 
in  which  I  see  you.  You  may  make  certain  that  I 
shall  not  fail  to  deal  towards  you  with  more  charity 
and  consideration  than  you  showed  me  on  the  road 
from  Hodal." 

Returning  to  the  secretary  (wazir),  he  told  me  to 
look  at  the  things,  and  inform  him  whether  any  article 
was  missing,  for  the  prisoners  would  have  to  pay 
for  anything  deficient.  1  examined  the  property  in 


DISPOSITION   OF   THE   PROPERTY  45 

his  presence,  and  ascertained  that  it  was  complete. 
Since  my  things  had  been  separated  and  were  kept 
apart  I  prayed  him  as  a  favour  to  issue  orders  that 
they  should  be  returned  to  me.  In  addition,  most 
of  the  ambassador's  goods  belonged  to  an  English 
trader,  named  Mestre  Jonh  (Mr.  Young),  dwelling  in 
Surat,  from  whom  the  ambassador  had  obtained  them, 
promising  to  repay  him  afterwards. 

The  secretary  (wazir)  told  me  to  sit  down  beside 
his  son,  who  was  in  front  of  him  ;  he  said  he  would 
give  me  many  things,  and  making  me  great  promises 
said  to  me  that  if  I  consented  to  remain  in  his  house 
he  would  treat  me  like  a  son.  In  case  I  did  not  agree 
he  did  not  mean  to  give  me  anything.  My  answer 
was  that  I  could  not  live  in  his  house,  that  I  cared 
very  little  about  the  loss  of  my  own  things,  but  should 
grieve  a  very  great  deal  if  he  did  not  give  to  Mestre 
Jonh  (Mr.  Young)  those  that  were  his. 

Upon  this  the  secretary  (wazir)  asked  me  minutely 
which  were  the  ambassador's  and  which  Mestre  Jonh's 
(Mr.  Young's)  things.  I  pointed  them  all  out  in  detail, 
one  of  the  secretary's  clerks  taking  the  whole  down 
in  writing.  I  told  him  that  besides  these  goods 
Mestre  Jonh  (Mr.  Young)  had  lent  the  ambassador 
the  sum  of  four  thousand  patacas  (about  £800),  and 
an  Arab  horse,  already  in  the  secretary's  (wazirs) 
possession.  Finally  I  begged  leave  to  return  to  my 
abode,  and  he,  in  sending  me  off,  directed  me  to 
return  in  two  days  to  speak  to  him  in  the  same  place. 

Accordingly  this  I  did,  and  he  said  to  me  that  he 
had  spoken  to  the  king,  who  ordered  that  the  property 
should  be  sent  to  the  Governor  of  Surat  for  the  pur- 
pose of  being  made  over  to  Mestre  Jonh  (Mr.  Young), 
with  the  exception  of  the  Arab  horse,  which  the  king 
kept  for  himself,  giving  an  order  to  pay  to  the  said 
Jonh  (Young)  one  thousand  patacas,  the  price  at  which 
it  had  been  valued.  He  took  nothing  else  but  the 
letter  which  was  destined  for  him. 

After  this  I  made  a  fresh  application  to  the  secre- 


46  TROUBLE   WITH   THE   VVAZIR 

tary  (wazir)  that  he  would  order  my  property  to  be 
given  to  me ;  but  his  answer  was  that  the  whole 
must  go  to  Surat,  and  be  made  over  to  Mestre  Jonh 
(Mr.  Young),  who,  if  he  liked,  might  give  them  to  me. 
Thus  he  was  unable  to  dispose  in  any  way  of  this 
property.  But  if  1  consented  to  live  with  him  he 
would  give  me  a  great  deal  more,  and  repeated  that 
he  would  cherish  me  as  his  son,  and  many  other 
promises.  For  all  these  words  and  the  kindness  he 
had  displayed  I  gave  him  thanks  over  and  over  again ; 
but  as  for  living  with  him  that  could  never  be.  It 
was  not  right  for  me  to  do  so,  being  a  Christian.  The 
secretary  (wazir)  cut  short  my  speech,  and,  losing  his 
temper,  said  angrily :  "  You  do  not  know  that  you  are 
the  king's  slave." 

Hearing  these  words  I  rose  to  my  feet,  and  an- 
swered that  Europeans  were  not  and  never  would 
be  slaves  of  anyone,  and  in  great  haste  I  left  the  hall, 
resolved  to  give  my  life  rather  than  live  in  his  house. 
Coming  out  at  the  door,  I  vaulted  lightly  on  to  my 
horse,  and  took  my  way  somewhat  hurriedly,  dreading 
lest  the  secretary  (wazir)  might  send  someone  after 
me  to  attack  me.  Then  my  groom  warned  me  that 
two  foot  soldiers  were  hurrying  after  us,  trying  to 
overtake  us.  Then  I  turned  my  horse  round,  and, 
putting  my  hand  on  my  cutlass,  set  off  to  face  them. 
I  asked  what  they  wanted.  They  made  me  a  bow, 
and  answered  that  the  secretary  (wazir)  sent  me 
ten  gold  rupees  for  the  purchase  of  betel.  I  took 
them,  and  went  on  my  way.  I  was  determined 
to  return  to  Surat  that  I  might  find  myself  among 
Europeans. 

At  this  time  I  met  Clodio  Malier,  who  carried  me 
off  to  his  house,  and  there  I  told  him  of  my  resolve. 
He  did  not  approve.  Then  by  his  arguments  he  suc- 
ceeded in  persuading  me.  Having  got  as  far  as  the 
court,  what  was  the  good  of  leaving  it  again  without 
first  seeing  what  there  was  there,  so  that  I  might 
report  on  the  riches  and  greatness  of  the  kings  of 


CLODIO   MALIER    BEFRIENDS   MANUCCI        47 

the  Mogul,  exceeding  the  riches  of  other  kings  (as 
may  be  seen  in  the  course  of  this  my  book)? 

As  I  was  a  youth  carried  away  by  curiosity,  but 
still  more  by  the  friendship  shown  to  me  by  Clodio, 
and  reflecting  that  I  had  already  in  him  one  friend 
who  could  do  me  some  good  in  this  kingdom,  and 
be  of  help  to  me  in  some  affair,  I  determined  to  remain 
where  I  was. 

After  three  days  had  elapsed,  Clodio  Malier  was 
sent  for  to  the  palace  of  Prince  Dara,  who  inquired 
if  he  knew  of  the  arrival  of  a  European  youth,  who 
had  come  with  the  ambassador  of  England,  and  a 
few  days  before  had  appeared  in  the  king's  presence 
to  make  a  complaint  of  injuries  done  by  a  captain 
of  artillery  and  other  Englishmen.  Clodio  answered 
that  he  knew  me  well,  that,  seeing  me  unprotected, 
he  had  taken  me  into  his  house,  adding  that  I  was 
a  youth  of  quality.  He  wished  that,  before  allowing 
me  to  leave  the  Mogul  kingdom,  I  should  see  some- 
thing of  the  king's  and  princes'  riches,  so  that  on  my 
return  to  Europe  I  might  declare  the  wealth  and 
grandeur  of  the  Moguls. 

Thereupon  the  prince  said  to  him  that  he  wanted 
to  speak  to  me,  and  thus  he  must  not  fail  to  find 
a  way  to  bring  me  to  his  presence.  When  Clodio 
Malier  came  home,  he  said  to  me  at  once,  with  a 
joyous  countenance,  that  I  had  already  captured  good 
fortune,  for  the  eldest  prince,  a  generous  man  and 
friendly  to  Europeans,  had  shown  himself  interested 
about  me  and  wanted  to  speak  to  me. 

I  rejoiced  at  this  good  news,  knowing  that  the 
Europeans  who  served  this  prince  had  a  good  life  of 
it,  and  received  adequate  pay.  Thus  I,  too,  was 
desirous  of  obtaining  some  employment  at  his  court. 
I  made  up  my  mind  for  that  reason  not  to  put  off 
my  visit,  and  I  asked  Clodio  if  we  should  have  to 
wait  long  before  complying  with  the  prince's  desire. 
My  friendly  shelterer  replied  to  me  that  it  was  not 
wise  to  delay,  otherwise  we  might  lose  the  favourable 


48     MANUCCI   GOES   TO   COURT  OF   PRINCE   DARA 

opportunity.  For  the  resolves  of  the  great  were  like 
birds :  if  the  bird-lime  stuck  to  them  they  were  easily 
caught,  but  if  once  they  flew  away  it  was  very  hard 
to  lay  hold  of  them  a  second  time. 

For  these  reasons  we  started  the  very  same  day, 
and  repaired  to  the  court  of  the  above-named  prince. 
As  soon  as  he  was  informed  of  our  arrival,  he  gave 
the  order  to  allow  us  to  enter.  When  I  reached  his 
presence,  and  had  made  the  usual  obeisances,  he  asked 
me  if  I  could  speak  Persian,  and  put  some  other  ques- 
tions with  a  pleased  and  friendly  expression  on  his  face. 
He  was  delighted  at  seeing  a  youth  of  not  more 
than  eighteen  years,  and  a  foreigner,  with  such 
quick-wittedness  that  he  had  learned  to  make  the 
proper  obeisance  without  any  shyness.  Then  I 
answered  the  questions,  showing  myself  acquainted 
with  Turkey  and  Persia  and  other  important  matters. 
The  whole  of  my  replies  were  in  Persian,  by  which 
1  proved  to  the  prince  that  I  could  speak  sufficiently 
well  the  language  about  which  he  had  asked  me. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  above  talk  he  directed  that 
the  ambassador's  letter  be  given  to  me.  It  had  already 
been  opened ;  and  I  was  directed  to  translate  it  into 
Persian.  The  letter  was  in  Latin,  written  in  letters 
of  gold,  and  it  differed  but  little  from  the  letter 
presented  to  the  King  of  Persia.  Being  thus  alread}T 
acquainted  with  the  business,  1  had  little  difficulty  in 
translating  it.  Next  the  prince  asked  what  the  letter 
was  written  on,  for  it  seemed  to  him  like  a  skin  and 
not  paper.  I  answered  that  it  was  of  vellum  skin, 
and  it  was  the  usage  of  European  kings,  when  for- 
warding letters  to  far-off  kingdoms,  to  have  the  more 
important  matters  written  on  vellum  skin,  in  order  that 
they  might  be  better  protected  against  the  inclemencies 
of  the  weather  and  of  the  journey  than  they  would 
be  if  they  were  on  paper. 

At  the  end  of  this  conversation  Dara  asked  me  if 
I  wished  to  remain  for  a  time  in  the  Mogul  country, 
to  which  I  replied  affirmatively.  He  said  to  me  with 


MANUCCI    ENTERS   DARA'S   SERVICE  49 

a  smile  on  his  face :  "  Would  you  like  to  enter  my 
service?"  As  this  was  the  very  question  and  none 
other  that  1  was  hoping  for,  I  replied  that  I  should 
have  put  to  very  good  use  the  weariness  and 
fatigues  of  my  journey  if  I  had  the  good  fortune  to 
serve  under  so  famous  a  prince. 

He  then  directed  that  every  month  they  should  give 
me  eighty  rupees  of  pay,  a  sum  equal  to  forty  patacas. 
He  ordered  them  to  deliver  to  me  at  once,  in  his 
presence,  a  serpao  (sarapa),  and  thirty  rupees  and  a 
good  horse.  He  put  me  in  charge  of  one  of  his 
trusted  eunuchs,  called  Coja  Mosquis  (Khwajah  Miskin), 
with  instructions  to  look  after  the  little  European  and 
see  that  he  was  well  trained  and  educated.  I  returned 
thanks  to  the  prince,  and  seeing  how  well  Dara  was 
inclined  towards  me,  I  prayed  leave  to  entreat  another 
favour — that  is  to  say,  the  liberty  of  the  two  English 
prisoners;  and  through  the  mediation  of  the  prince, 
they  were  released  in  a  few  days  by  order  of  the  king. 

I  came  out  from  the  prince's  presence.  Although 
Dara  desired  that  Khwajah  Miskin  should  teach  me 
the  court  ceremonial  in  order  to  turn  me  into  a 
courtier,  I  took  means  to  prevent  my  being  made 
into  a  Mahomedan.  So  I  did  not  go  to  seek  out 
the  said  Khwajah  Miskin,  but  kept  in  the  company 
of  the  Europeans.  Some  of  these  were  surgeons,  but 
the  greater  number  artillerymen  in  the  Mogul  service, 
an  honourable  employment.  For  European  artillery- 
men who  took  service  in  that  branch  had  only  to  take 
aim ;  as  for  the  rest — the  fatigue  of  raising,  lowering) 
loading,  and  firing — this  was  the  business  of  artificers 
"or  labourers  kept  for  the  purpose.  However,  when 
Aurangzeb  came  to  the  throne,  he,  seeing  the  insolent 
behaviour  and  the  drunkenness  of  such-like  men,  de- 
prived them  of  all  their  privileges,  except  that  of 
distilling  spirits,  and  forced  them  to  do  sentry  duty 
like  other  soldiers,  thus  leaving  them  with  no  esti- 
mation or  reputation  in  the  army.  But  the  old  plan 
continued  in  force  up  to  the  evacuation  of  the  fortress 


50  A  GOOD   BARGAIN 

of  Bacar  (Bhakkar)  and  the  beheadal  of  Prince  Dara, 
as  farther  on  I  shall  relate. 

For  some  time  I  dwelt  in  the  house  of  Clodio,  and 
when  I  had  acquired  the  means  I  hired  a  separate 
house.  Then  came  a  man  to  me  who  said  that  he 
would  put  me  in  the  way  of  gaining  money.  I  inquired 
from  him  what  it  was  he  wanted.  He  told  me  he 
wanted  nothing  beyond  permission  to  distil  spirits 
under  my  protection  and  close  to  my  house.  He 
would  give  me  ten  rupees  every  day ;  thus  I  should 
be  put  to  no  expense ;  all  I  had  to  do  was  to  assert 
that  he  was  my  servant.  I  agreed  to  the  bargain,  and 
out  of  regard  for  me  no  one  said  a  word  to  him,  for 
the  Europeans  in  the  service  of  Dara  had  this  pri- 
vilege of  distilling  spirits  and  selling  them  without 
hindrance. 

Finding  myself  with  sufficient  pay,  and  in  good 
condition,  I  wrote  to  Mestre  Jonh  (Henry  Young)  at 
Surat,  giving  him  notice  of  the  king's  orders — how 
he  had  ordered  all  the  ambassador's  property  to  be 
placed  in  the  hands  of  the  Governor  of  Surat,  with 
directions  to  make  it  over  to  him.  After  some 
months  he  replied  that  he  had  then  received  delivery 
of  everything. 

When  I  left  Venice  I  already  knew  sufficiently  how 
to  speak  the  Italian  language,  and,  in  addition,  a  little 
French.  During  this  journey  I  learnt  the  Turkish 
and  Persian  languages.  Finding  myself  established 
in  India,  1  now  set  to  work  to  learn  the  Indian  tongue. 
Furthermore,  as  I  was  desirous  of  knowing  about 
matters  in  the  Mogul  kingdom,  I  found  an  aged  man 
of  letters,  who  offered  to  read  to  me  the  "  Royal 
Chronicles  of  the  Mogul  kings  and  princes."  There- 
fore I  am  of  opinion  that  the  reader  will  be  glad  to  listen 
to  me,  seeing  that  I  have  special  information.  I  will 
speak  of  all  the  Mogul  kings  in  my  second  book,  which 
will  close  with  the  death  of  Aurangzeb's  brothers,  and 
therein  will  be  seen  what  happened  to  me. 

[Not  long  after  entering  Dara's  service,  Manucci  had 


SHAHJAHAN   AND   DARA  51 

to  follow  his  master  to  the  wars.  King  Shahjahan 
fell  ill,  and  at  the  news  of  his  illness  three  of  his 
sons,  Shah  Shuja',  Murad  Bakhsh,  and  Aurangzeb 
made  preparations  to  seize  the  throne  by  force.  Un- 
able to  take  the  field  himself,  Shahjahan  deputed  Dara 
to  take  his  place.] 

Finding  himself  in  bodily  weakness  and  desirous 
of  pleasing  Dara,  he  transferred  to  him  all  his  powers 
and  dignities,  and  ordered  everyone  to  yield  him 
obedience.  He  wanted  to  try  if,  by  this  means,  he 
could  rid  himself  of  all  the  ills  from  which  he  suffered, 
including  the  danger  in  which  he  stood  of  being 
captured  by  Aurangzeb,  and  dispossessed  of  his 
authority. 

Some  authors,  recording  what  they  have  been  told, 
say  that  Dara  seized  his  father  and  divested  him  of 
power  by  force ;  but  I  assert  this  to  be  a  great 
untruth,  for  I  know,  and  have  tested  it  that  Dara  was 
quite  submissive.  He  did  nothing  without  communi- 
cating it  to  his  father.  I  might  produce  several 
proofs  of  what  I  say ;  but  I  will  ask  the  reader  to  do 
me  the  favour  of  recollecting  what  I  have  said  as  to 
the  letters  written  by  Muhammad  Amin  Khan  and 
Shaistah  Khan.  On  account  of  these  Dara  wanted 
to  have  them  decapitated,  yet  they  were  liberated  by 
the  order  of  Shahjahan.  If  Dara  had,  as  others  write, 
taken  possession  of  his  father  and  of  his  authority, 
he  would  have  exercised  this  absolute  power  to  order 
their  heads  to  be  cut  off,  as  justice  required. 

Another  case  I  will  bring  forward  in  proof  of  what 
I  say.  A  few  days  before  we  took  the  field  against 
Aurangzeb,  the  police  seized  a  Genoese  youth  for 
having  in  his  possession  a  bottle  of  wine,  a  thing  not 
prohibited  for  Europeans.  In  order  to  petition  for 
his  release  I  went  off  to  the  magistrate,  who  at  once 
placed  me  alongside  the  youth.  I  made  a  sign  to  my 
servant,  who  rushed  off  to  tell  my  friends — artillery- 
men in  Prince  Dara's  service.  These  men  came  in 
a  body,  all  of  them  armed,  and,  breaking  down 


52  WARLIKE    PREPARATIONS 

the  doors  of  the  prison,  liberated  us.  The  soldiers 
ran  from  the  police-office,  leaving  the  magistrate 
by  himself  in  a  state  of  astonishment  at  what  was 
going  on.  Being  aggrieved  as  I  was,  I  thereupon 
went  up  to  the  magistrate  and  put  a  pistol  to  his 
breast ;  I  did  not  slay  him,  but  took  compassion  upon 
him  on  his  humbling  of  himself.  This  affair  was 
brought  before  Shahjahan,  who  complained  to  Dara 
of  what  his  artillerymen  had  done.  To  satisfy  the 
king,  Dara  ordered  the  captain  of  artillery  to  ad- 
minister a  reproof  to  the  Genoese.  We  all  went  in 
a  body  to  the  captain  to  lodge  a  complaint  against  the 
magistrate  for  the  disgrace  done  to  us,  the  king  having 
accorded  us  the  right  to  drink  wine.  Now,  if  Dara 
had  been  as  others  say,  no  one  would  have  had  the 
audacity  to  displease  his  employes,  nor  to  complain 
of  them  to  Shahjahan. 

On  finding  that  the  King  Shahjahan  had  delivered 
himself  with  all  his  authority  and  his  army  into  the 
hands  of  Prince  Dara,  everybody  seized  their  weapons  ; 
there  was  great  uproar,  each  man  acting  on  his  own 
inclination.  More  than  one  hundred  thousand  horse- 
men assembled,  and  more  than  twenty  thousand 
infantry.  There  were  one  hundred  pieces  of  field 
artillery,  every  one  of  them  carrying  shot  of  from  eight 
to  twelve  pounds ;  in  addition,  there  was  a  twenty- 
pounder  culverin,  and  over  two  hundred  European 
artillerymen.  There  were  no  want  of  subordinates, 
of  shopkeepers  who  furnish  supplies  for  the  susten- 
ance of  the  whole  realm  and  army,  a  large  number 
of  sarrafos  (sarrdf),  who  provide  the  cash  required  by 
the  whole  army ;  many  majestic  and  well-armoured 
elephants,  and  five  hundred  camels.  On  each  of  the 
latter  was  a  man  seated  atop  with  a  swivel-gun, 
carrying  a  ball  of  from  three  to  four  ounces,  which  he 
loaded  and  fired  without  dismounting.  There  were 
also  five  hundred  elephants  with  their  howdahs,  and 
in  these  sat  two  men  with  two  guns  like  those  upon 
the  camels. 


DEPARTURE   FROM   AGRAH  ft 

After  all  these  preparations  we  issued  from  the 
city  of  Agrah  on  the  I4th  of  May,  one  thousand  six 
hundred  and  fifty-six  (correctly  1658).  When  on  the 
march  we  covered  the  ground  as  far  as  the  horizon, 
making  a  brave  and  splendid  show.  What  disconcerted 
me  was  that  no  one  would  say  that  Dara  was  sure 
of  gaining  the  battle  with  all  this  grand  array. 

The  greater  number  of  the  soldiers  that  Dara  had 
newly  enlisted  were  not  very  warlike ;  they  were 
butchers,  barbers,  blacksmiths,  carpenters,  tailors,  and 
such-like.  It  is  true  that  on  their  horses  and  with 
their  arms  they  looked  well  at  a  review ;  but  they  had 
no  heart,  and  knew  nothing  of  war.  If  only  Sulaiman 
Shukoh  had  arrived  in  time,  there  would  have  been 
no  need  of  men  like  these,  nor  of  Khalilullah  Khan. 
The  wife  of  the  latter  had  warned  Dara  to  put  no 
reliance  on  her  husband,  nor  trust  to  his  soft  speeches, 
for  she  knew  him  well,  and,  given  the  occasion,  he 
would  invariably  engineer  some  treachery.  Nor  should 
he  rely  upon  the  thirty  thousand  Mogul  troopers  in  his 
father's  service. 

Shahjahan  earnestly  desired  that  Dara  should  not 
offer  battle  until  Sulaiman  Shukoh  had  arrived.  But 
Dara's  two  brothers  and  enemies  came  on  with  such 
haste  that  they  left  him  no  chance  of  delaying.  I  have 
been  assured  that  Aurangzeb  professed  such  determi- 
nation as  to  say  that,  if  Taimur-i-lang  and  all  his 
descendants  came  against  him,  on  no  account  would 
it  be  fitting  for  him  to  retreat.  He  was  resolved  to 
give  battle,  putting  his  faith  in  the  traitors  to  be  found 
in  Dara's  camp. 

When  placed  in  the  field,  our  army  was  so  well 
distributed  that  it  looked  like  a  lovely  city  adorned 
with  beautiful  tents,  flying  innumerable  flags  of  all 
colours  and  different  shapes,  each  tent  having  its  own 
flag  and  device  so  that  it  might  be  recognised.  The 
prince  Dara  went  to  take  leave  of  the  king,  his  father, 
and  of  Begam  Sahib,  his  sister,  who  at  that  time  were 
living  in  the  fort  of  Agrah.  On  beholding  the  son 
5 


54  DARA'S   LEAVETAKING 

and  brother  so  well  beloved,  they  melted  into  floods 
of  tears.  The  king  began  to  speak,  and  thus  addressed 
Dara  : 

"  My  loved  and  cherished  son  !  I  have  always  been 
well  inclined  towards  you  as  being  my  first-born  son 
and  full  of  good  qualities— above  all  of  the  quality  of 
obedience,  which  you  have  always  displayed  towards 
me.  Your  father  hoped  to  see  you  become  king 
peacefully,  but  none  can  fathom  the  secrets  of  the 
Lord  Most  High.  My  desire  was  to  leave  you  in  this 
fortress,  and  go  forth  myself  against  those  rebels 
Aurangzeb  and  Murad  Bakhsh,  unworthy  of  the  name 
of  my  sons  or  of  your  brothers.  I  had  hoped  to 
chastise  the  rebels  and  traitors  who  take  the  side  of 
my  enemies;  but  you  have  had  compassion  on  my 
years  and  infirmities,  and  mean  to  expose  your  life  for 
the  peace  of  the  kingdom,  the  freedom  and  the  safety 
of  your  father.  Not  to  dishearten  you,  I  consent  to 
your  doing  as  you  wish,  but  entreat  you,  my  beloved 
son,  to  avoid  a  battle  until  the  arrival  of  Sultan 
Sulaiman  Shukoh  your  son.  You  will  thus  increase 
your  chance  of  victory.  I  beg  of  you  to  curb  your 
ardour.  Being  incapable  of  doing  more,  I  pray  that 
your  life  may  be  spared  and  that  you  may  survive  to 
become  Emperor  of  all  Hindustan,  and  that  our 
enemies  may  be  slain.  I  place  you  in  the  hands  of 
God,  in  whom  we  trust  to  give  us  the  victory  and 
make  us  triumph  over  rebels  and  traitors." 

Having  bade  farewell  to  his  father,  Dara  soon  ap- 
peared in  the  army ;  but  the  march  could  not  be 
undertaken  that  day.  Some  of  the  war  materiel  was 
still  wanting,  nor  did  the  astrologers  judge  the  hour 
auspicious  for  a  start.  On  the  third  day  this  huge 
army  began  its  march.  When  Dara  was  about  to 
mount  his  magnificent  elephant  Fatejang  (Path  Jang) 
— that  is  to  say  "Victor  in  War" — he  said  these 
words :  "  Guerrib  maf,  magrur  marg  "  (Gharib  mu*af, 
maghrur  marg) — that  is  to  say  :  "  To  the  humble  par- 
don, to  the  haughty  death."  The  generals  then  present 


DARA   AND    HIS   ARMY  SET   FORTH  55 

replied  simultaneously  "  Hixa  Alia"  (Inshallah)— that 
is  to  say  :  "  By  the  favour  of  God." 

We  began  the  march  in  such  great  order  that  it 
seemed  as  if  the  sea  and  land  were  united.  Prince 
Dara  amidst  his  squadron  appeared  like  a  crystal 
tower,  resplendent  as  a  sun  shining  over  all  the  land. 
Around  him  rode  many  squadrons  of  Rajput  cavalry 
whose  armour  glittered  from  afar,  and  their  lance 
heads  with  a  tremulous  motion  sent  forth  rays  of 
light.  There  were  other  squadrons  of  calvary  armed 
with  lances,  in  front  of  whom  went  many  ferocious 
elephants  clad  in  shining  steel  with  chains  on  their 
trunks,  their  tusks  encrusted  with  gold  and  silver,  and 
broad  cutlasses  affixed  thereto  by  rings.  In  advance 
was  one  with  a  handsome  flag,  and  the  driver,  who 
guided  the  elephant,  was  armed  with  armes  blanches 
(sword  and  shield). 

A  marvellous  thing  was  it  to  behold  the  march, 
which  moved  over  the  heights  and  through  the  vales 
like  the  waves  of  a  stormy  sea.  Thus  we  held  on  our 
way  for  four  days,  until  we  reached  the  bank  of  the 
River  Chambal,  where  was  a  village  called  Dolpur 
(Dholpur).  Our  powerful  army  took  up  position  on 
this  ground,  and  entrenched  the  crossing,  placing  its 
pieces  of  artillery  to  cover  the  most  exposed  points. 

We  awaited  the  enemy,  who  was  already  near ;  he 
appeared  afar  off  after  three  days.  Being  fully  pre- 
pared, and  in  every  way  desirous  of  finding  ourselves 
engaged  in  battle,  we  begged  for  leave  to  attack  the 
enemy.  But  Dara  for  two  reasons  would  not  consent. 
The  first  was  that  he  was  waiting  for  Sultan  Sulaiman 
Shukoh  and  his  force,  who  could  not  be  very  long  in 
coming ;  even  if  they  were  delayed,  he  was  sure  the 
enemy  would  never  risk  a  crossing  at  this  place,  which 
was  well  occupied  and  fortified.  The  second  reason 
was  the  inadvisability  of  attacking  the  enemy  in  a 
situation  full  of  hollows  and  rocks,  and  altogether  a 
dangerous  place. 

At    this    time  Aurangzeb    persisted    in   his   usual 


56  AURANGZEB'S  SECRET   PLANS 

stratagems  and  intrigues.  After  having  encamped  his 
army  on  the  farther  side,  not  far  from  the  river,  he 
called  together  his  generals.  He  said  to  them  that 
they  must  be  prepared  to  deliver  battle,  and  be  every 
one  ready  with  his  force  of  cavalry.  In  making  haste 
lay  their  chance  of  victory,  and,  full  of  confidence  in 
their  courage,  he  hoped  in  a  brief  space  to  be  victori- 
ous. They  could  not  postpone  the  battle,  seeing  the 
danger  of  Sultan  Sulaiman  Shukoh's  arrival.  A  report 
of  the  above  speech  reached  the  army  of  Dara,  and 
was  received  with  pleasure.  Everybody  made  his 
preparations  with  the  greatest  eagerness,  and  expected 
every  day  that  the  enemy  would  come  to  attack  us. 

But  Aurangzeb's  secret  plan  was  to  win  over  Rajah 
Champet  (Champat),  to  whom  he  sent  valuable  pre- 
sents, proposing  for  him  high  rewards  and  making 
him  liberal  offers.  He  asked  the  rajah  to  allow  him  to 
pass  through  his  territories  in  order  to  get  across  the 
river  by  another  unknown  ford,  situated  twelve  leagues 
from  us.  These  demands  were  conceded  by  Rajah 
Champat,  hoping  to  avenge  himself  on  Shahjahan  for 
the  acts  I  have  already  told  you  of.  Gained  over  by 
entreaties,  and  all  unwitting  of  the  misfortune  that  he 
had  to  undergo,  the  rajah  accompanied  Aurangzeb. 
The  route  was  so  difficult,  the  march  so  impeded  by 
jungle  and  uneven  ground,  that  Aurangzeb  was  un- 
able to  take  with  him  the  whole  of  his  forces.  He 
left  his  tents  standing,  and  some  of  his  men  behind, 
by  way  of  formality  in  order  to  conceal  his  design  the 
more  effectually.  He  crossed  the  river  (as  I  was  told) 
with  over  eight  thousand  horsemen,  and  though  they 
were  all  much  fatigued,  he  made  himself  master  of  the 
crossing  on  the  thirtieth  of  May,  1656  (i.e.  1658). 

This  day  was  as  full  of  joy  for  Aurangzeb  as  it  was 
full  of  sadness  for  Dara.  The  latter,  receiving  a 
report  of  the  carrying  out  of  the  above  design,  fell 
into  a  great  rage  with  Champat,  who  had  given  his 
word  that  in  no  case  would  he  allow  Aurangzeb  to 
cross,  and  it  was  for  this  reason  that  Dara  had  not 


TRAITOROUS  ADVICE  TO   DARA  57 

blocked  the  ford  in  question.  When  the  news  came 
that  Aurangzeb  had  actually  crossed,  Dara  was 
desirous  of  moving  personally  in  pursuit  of  him. 

He  was,  however,  well  advised  by  the  General 
Hebraim  Can  (Ibrahim  Khan),  son  of  Alimerda  Can 
('All  Mardan  Khan),  to  send  instead,  with  the  greatest 
expedition,  twelve  thousand  horsemen  to  fall  suddenly 
upon  Aurangzeb  and  his  soldiers,  who  were  much 
fatigued,  very  scattered,  and  lying  about  on  the  river 
bank.  But  the  traitor  Khaltlullah  Khan,  having  heard 
that  Dara  had  decided  to  make  this  attempt,  came  to 
him  and  said  that  it  was  inadvisable,  it  would  not  add 
to  his  credit  or  reputation.  For,  of  a  certainty,  the 
name  and  fame  of  any  victory  would  accrue  to  the 
commander,  and  not  to  his  Highness.  He  ought  not 
to  listen  to  the  advice  of  these  boys,  quite  inexperi- 
enced in  war,  and  it  was  a  mistake  to  detach  those 
twelve  thousand  cavalry  from  his  division,  for  by  so 
doing  the  victory  which  was  now  a  certainty  would 
become  doubtful.  The  following  day  we  marched  in 
pursuit  of  Aurangzeb,  but  it  was  already  too  late. 
For  during  the  night,  and  very  early  on  the  following 
morning,  almost  the  whole  remaining  army  of  Aurang- 
zeb came  up,  and,  quitting  the  river,  we  arrived  in  an 
extensive  plain. 

It  was  the  ist  of  June  of  one  thousand  six  hundred 
and  fifty-six  (i.e.  1658).  We  made  use  with  great  labour 
of  the  water  in  the  ponds  in  the  open  fields,  and  the  heat 
was  stifling.  Between  the  two  armies  there  was  not 
more  than  a  league  and  a  halfs  distance.  During  the 
time  we  were  taking  up  ground  for  our  army,  the  rest 
of  Aurangzeb's  force  continued  to  join  his  ranks,  but 
the  whole  of  his  artillery  and  baggage  had  not  arrived. 
Having  detailed  information  of  everything  in  Aurang- 
zeb's force,  and  knowing  his  men  were  exhausted, 
Dara  wanted  to  commence  the  action.  But  the 
traitors  intervened  on  astrological  grounds  by  saying 
that  neither  the  day  nor  the  hour  was  favourable.  He 
must  postpone  the  battle.  He  was  already  sure  of  the 
5* 


58  BATTLE   DELAYED 

victory,  because  he  had  a  good  army,  with  valiant  and 
high-spirited  soldiers  quite  sufficiently  numerous  for 
the  destruction  of  Aurangzeb,  who  in  comparison 
to  him  was  an  invisible  speck  on  this  earth.  All 
this  they  did  solely  that  Aurangzeb  might  have  time 
to  take  rest,  to  refresh  his  people,  and  secure  the 
arrival  of  his  guns. 

The  traitors  had  made  an  agreement  with  Aurangzeb 
that  when  he  was  ready  to  give  battle  he  should  warn 
them  by  three  discharges  of  cannon,  and  thereupon 
they  would  make  dispositions  for  delivering  Dara  into 
his  hands.  Meanwhile  Aurangzeb  gave  proof  of  how 
he  understood  recompensing  those  who  helped  him  in 
his  unjust  undertaking.  He  caused  his  friend  Champat 
to  be  sent  for,  who  was  waiting  not  far  from  his  tents, 
in  expectation  of  the  many  favours  and  presents  pro- 
mised to  him.  When  he  reached  the  presence,  having 
no  anticipation  of  what  was  about  to  happen  to  him, 
Aurangzeb  instantly  caused  him  to  be  bound,  and 
carried  to  the  route  along  which  he  designed  to 
advance  next  morning  to  give  battle ;  there  he  was  to 
be  offered  up  a  sacrificial  victim  and  beheaded.  This 
command  was  executed. 

On  the  2nd  of  June  (1658)  Dara  received  a  letter 
from  his  father  Shahjahan,  directing  his  retreat  to 
Agrah,  there  to  entrench  himself  until  the  arrival  of 
Sulaiman  Shukoh.  This  could  not  be  done,  because 
if  Dara  retreated,  the  enemy  would  without  fail 
resume  his  advance  with  still  greater  spirit,  while 
our  troops  would  lose  all  confidence  in  the  valour  of 
their  prince  and  commander.  They  would  imagine 
if  he  retired  that  he  had  not  the  courage  to  attack. 
The  greater  part  of  our  army,  directly  they  saw  such 
a  movement,  would  inevitably  transfer  themselves  to 
the  enemy's  side. 

So  far  was  Dara  from  following  the  advice  of  his 
father  that  he  had,  on  the  contrary,  made  up  his  mind 
to  deliver  battle.  In  reply  to  his  father,  he  wrote  that 
he  ought  to  take  his  ease  and  keep  in  good  heart.  He 


DAWN   OF   BATTLE   DAY  59 

promised  him  that  within  three  days  he  would  drag 
Aurangzeb  and  Murad  Bakhsh  bound  into  his 
presence,  when  he  might  punish  them  as  he  saw 
fit.  The  truth  is  that  he  (Dara)  wished  to  fight  on 
the  3rd  of  June,  a  Saturday.  But  the  traitors,  taking 
advantage  of  a  shower  of  rain  which  fell  in  our  camp, 
said  it  was  not  a  good  time  to  attack,  for  already  the 
skies  wept  over  his  defeat  as  soon  as  they  heard  that 
he  meant  to  fight.  It  would  be  much  better  to  delay 
until  the  next  day,  which  was  known  to  be  the  first 
day,  when  God  created  light — a  very  auspicious  day 
on  which,  without  doubt,  he  would  be  victorious.  All 
this  they  said  because  if  Dara  had  attacked  the  enemy 
on  that  day  he  would  have  gained  a  certain  victory. 
For  Aurangzeb  had  not  then  his  ranks  in  proper  order, 
nor  had  the  agreed-on  signal  been  given. 

The  presumption  that  I  found  in  Dara  afflicted  me, 
seeing  him  give  credit  to  the  words  of  traitors.  But  I 
consoled  myself  a  good  deal,  being  young,  with  the 
hope  of  getting  some  experience  of  war.  On  the 
whole  I  did  not  feel  satisfied,  finding  that  Dara  was 
not  making  the  exertions  required  for  the  good 
ordering  of  such  a  huge  army.  He  had  not  sufficient 
experience  in  matters  of  war,  having  been  brought  up 
among  the  dancing-women  and  buffoons  of  his  father, 
and  gave  undue  credit  to  the  words  of  the  traitors. 

On  the  3rd  of  June,  at  midnight,  the  enemy  fired 
three  pieces  of  artillery,  the  signal  agreed  upon  with 
the  traitors,  showing  them  that  Aurangzeb  had  now 
made  his  dispositions  for  giving  battle  at  daybreak. 
We  replied  with  three  other  shots.  After  one  hour 
had  elapsed  Dara  emerged  from  the  camp  through 
the  midst  of  our  artillery,  for  which  it  was  necessary 
to  take  down  my  tent  to  allow  a  passage  for  his  exit 
with  the  few  cavalry  in  his  retinue. 

A  short  time  afterwards  I  mounted  my  horse  and 
went  forth  out  of  curiosity  to  know  what  was  going 
on,  this  being  the  first  battle  that  I  had  been  able  to 
see.  Trusting  to  my  good  horse,  I  went  on,  and 


60  DISPOSITION   OF   THE   ARMIES 

halted  on  a  height  adjoining  an  uninhabited  village ; 
thence  I  saw,  though  it  was  still  dark,  many  horsemen 
leave  our  army  for  that  of  Aurangzeb,  and  never 
return. 

Almost  at  daybreak  there  came  forth  from  the 
army  of  Aurangzeb  several  camels  laden  with  bombs, 
escorted  by  some  horsemen  and  many  men  on  foot, 
who  halted  in  the  village  and  distributed  themselves 
at  considerable  distances.  As  the  light  grew  clearer 
I  saw  that  Aurangzeb  was  advancing  very  leisurely 
with  his  whole  army.  It  was  formed  into  five  divisions 
of  cavalry. 

In  the  first  division,  placed  in  the  middle,  was  the 
strong  and  valiant  Aurangzeb  seated  on  a  large 
elephant,  accompanied  by  fifteen  thousand  horsemen 
well  armed  with  lances,  bows  and  arrows,  and  match- 
locks. At  his  right  hand  he  had  his  son,  Sultan 
Muhammad,  and  Mfrbaba  (Mir  Baba)  his  foster- 
brother,  to  whom  on  this  occasion  he  gave  the  title 
of  Badercan  (Bahadur  Khan)  at  the  head  of  another 
fifteen  thousand  horsemen.  The  third  division,  on  the 
right  hand  of  Sultan  Muhammad,  had  also  fifteen 
thousand  horse  under  the  command  of  Nezebetcan 
(Najabat  Khan)  and  other  generals.  The  fourth 
division  was  composed  of  another  fifteen  thousand 
well-armed  cavalr}^  with  whom  was  Prince  Murad 
Bakhsh,  seated  on  a  lofty  elephant,  which  rose  like  a 
tower  in  the  midst  of  his  squadrons.  With  him  sat 
his  little  son. 

The  remainder  of  Aurangzeb's  army  consisted  of 
one  division  of  problematical  value,  made  up  of  low- 
class  men  of  unwarlike  habits,  in  addition  to  baggage, 
carts,  camels,  and  unloaded  oxen ;  these  had  their 
place  on  the  left  of  Murad  Bakhsh.  Behind  followed 
all  the  artillery.  As  this  army  continued  its  advance 
in  tranquillity,  so  I  in  the  same  manner  retired  until  I 
saw  that  they  had  arrived  close  to  the  deserted  village. 
Then  the  artillery  was  ordered  to  the  front,  behind 
them  the  musketeers,  behind  them  again  some  camels 


DISPOSITION  OF  THE   ARMIES  61 

carrying  swivel  guns  (trilhoens).  In  their  rear  was  the 
army,  as  I  have  above  described.  I  answer  for  all  this 
with  all  confidence. 

I  awaited  the  approach  of  our  army  in  order  to  take 
my  place.  But  seeing  from  afar  that  it  did  not  stir,  1 
went  back  close  to  it,  where  there  were  several  scat- 
tered horsemen.  There  I  halted  to  look  at  it,  and 
consider  our  great  army  and  its  disposition.  I  noticed 
that  while  I  had  been  away  to  look  at  the  army  of 
Aurangzeb,  Dara  had  arrayed  his  forces  in  the 
following  order :  The  artillery  was  all  in  one  row, 
and  each  carriage  bore  two  scarlet  pennons.  This 
row  of  guns  served  as  a  wall  to  protect  the  musketeers 
behind  it,  to  the  number  of  twenty-five  thousand  men. 
These  were  supported  by  five  hundred  camels  with 
swivel  guns  (trilhoens),  to  their  rear  stood  the  armour- 
clad  elephants,  and  then  the  cavalry,  twenty-eight 
thousand  horsemen.  Last  of  all  was  Dara  on  his 
magnificent  elephant,  followed  by  numerous  elephants 
carrying  drums,  trumpets,  and  all  manner  of  music, 
forming  his  retinue. 

In  the  division  to  the  right  of  Dara  was  Ramsing 
Rotella  (Ram  Singh,  Rathor)  with  his  fifteen  thousand 
Rajputs,  all  well-armed  men  of  war.  On  their  right 
was  Khalflullah  Khan  with  thirty  thousand  Moguls, 
whose  orders  were  to  encounter  the  miscellaneous 
division  of  which  I  spoke,  this  being  his  (Khalflullah 
Khan's)  own  pretext.  On  the  left  of  Dara  was  posted 
the  valorous  General  Rustomcan  Dacanj(Rustam  Khan, 
Dakhini)  with  fifteen  thousand  horse  in  all ;  at  his 
left  Raja  Chartersilara  (Chhatarsal  Rae)  with  fifteen 
thousand  horsemen,  the  greater  part  of  them  Rajputs. 
All  this  array  made  a  lovely  sight,  both  by  the  beauty 
of  the  arms  and  by  the  number  of  the  standards  and 
pennons  of  so  many  colours. 

Be  it  known  to  the  reader  that  these  two  armies 
were  not  ordered  in  the  disposition  obtaining  in  Europe. 
But  one  division  was  close  to  another  as  the  trees  of  a 
pinewood,  in  the  order  that  I  have  described. 


62  FIRST   ATTACK 

I  remained  where  I  was  in  safety,  there  being  no 
firing  from  either  side.  It  was  already  eight  o'clock  of 
the  day,  when  there  came  an  order  from  our  army  that 
all  the  scattered  horsemen  must  retire,  because  they 
wanted  to  discharge  the  artillery.  Thereupon  every- 
one withdrew  into  the  army,  and  a  poor  Mogul  cavalier 
riding  behind  me,  not  getting  back  in  time,  fell  at  the 
first  fire  of  our  artillery.  Repeated  orders  poured  in  to 
keep  up  a  continuous  artillery  fire,  although  the  shot 
did  no  damage.  They  fell  short  of  Aurangzeb's  men, 
who  were  at  a  great  distance  from  us.  I  was  much 
amazed  at  their  making  us  work  thus  for  nothing. 
During  the  time  that  we  were  making  this  deafening 
din  with  our  guns  the  enemy  saluted  us  with  nothing 
but  a  few  bombs  with  tails,  after  the  style  of  rockets. 

After  the  first  discharge  Aurangzeb  ordered  one  of 
his  pieces  of  artillery  to  be  fired  in  continuation  of  the 
signal  to  the  traitors.  After  we  had  fired  again  several 
times  he  let  off  two  pieces  together.  When  we  had 
fired  ten  times  he  replied  with  three  pieces  at  once. 
This  was  the  desired  signal  by  which  he  was  to  let  the 
traitors  know  that  he  was  prepared  to  receive  attack 
where  he  was,  without  moving  towards  Dara.  Then, 
leaving  his  division,  Khalllullah  Khan  came  in  search 
of  Dara.  On  reaching  his  presence  he  greeted  him  as 
victor,  speaking  thus  :  "  May  the  victory  be  auspicious 
to  the  invincible  Dara.  Without'losing  any  of  his  men, 
solely  by  use  of  his  artillery  he  has  destroyed  the 
greater  part  of  the  enemy,  and  little  effort  remains  to 
gain  a  complete  victory.  It  is  not  desirable  to  continue 
the  artillery  fire,  but  we  must  now  advance  and  lay 
hold  of  the  enemy." 

Orders  were  given  not  to  discharge  the  artillery  any 
more,  and  the  well-reputed  General  Rustam  Khan  was 
sent  for  in  order  to  hear  what  he  advised.  When  the 
latter  heard  the  views  of  Khaltlullah  Khan,  he  replied 
that  it  would  be  better  to  await  the  enemy  and  leave 
him  to  attack  us,  for  he  had  come  a  great  distance  to 
seek  us,  and,  according  to  usage,  he  could  not  avoid 


AN   ILL-ADVISED   ADVANCE  63 

being  the  attacker.  When  he  came  on  we  could 
receive  him  with  the  fury  and  valour  befitting  the 
advantage  that  we  had  over  him. 

This  advice  was  most  prudent,  but  the  cunning 
Khalilullah  Khan  turned  it  into  disparagement  of 
Rustam  Khan,  saying :  "  I  am  greatly  amazed  that  a 
captain  so  famous  should  tell  us  at  such  a  juncture  to 
show  ourselves  such  cowards  and  of  so  little  courage 
that  after  we  have  almost  destroyed  the  enemy,  we 
should  }7et  be  afraid  to  take  the  offensive."  Dara, 
without  listening  to  other  arguments,  adopted  the 
counsels  of  Khalilullah  Khan,  and  set  his  elephant  in 
motion  in  order  to  attack  the  enemy  with  his  heavy 
divisions.  Orders  were  given  to  Rustam  Khan  to 
return  to  his  division,  and  give  evidence  of  his 
well-known  valour.  The  artillery  was  ordered  to  be 
unchained  to  allow  the  troops  to  pass  through  the  line. 

Khalilullah  Khan,  pleased  at  having  accomplished 
his  purpose  of  exposing  Dara  to  the  risk  of  death,  went 
with  him  half-way  and  then  returned  to  his  own 
command,  the  enemy  being  still  at  some  distance.  On 
this  side,  when  Dara  started  with  his  division  against 
the  enemy,  everything  fell  into  confusion.  The  barbers, 
butchers,  and  the  rest  turned  right  about  face,  abandon- 
ing the  artillerymen  and  the  guns.  Many  made  for  the 
baggage  train  to  plunder  it,  which  they  did,  breaking 
open  the  chests  of  silver  and  gold  and  carrying  off 
what  they  could  lay  hands  on.  This  resulted  in 
many  men  being  murdered  while  trying  to  rob  their 
companions. 

Dara  pursued  his  route  courageously,  making  signs 
with  his  hands  from  the  top  of  his  elephant  that  all 
should  hasten  to  take  part  in  the  victory.  To  this 
intent  he  ordered  his  drums  to  beat.  I  admired  Dara's 
high  spirit,  and  I  noticed  that  the  enemy  did  not  stir, 
contenting  himself  with  a  discharge  of  shells  until 
Dara  had  come  quite  close.  Then  all  of  a  sudden  the 
enemy  discharged  his  cannon,  musketry,  and  swivel 
pieces,  which  struck  us  and  frightened  numbers  of  our 


64  DARA'S   BOLDNESS  SUCCESSFUL 

men,  who  scattered  this  way  and  that.  Finding  himself 
in  imminent  peril,  Dara  ordered  the  guns  to  be  dragged 
forward  and  the  musket-men  to  advance,  the  franquis 
(Europeans)  were  also  to  join  the  movement.  But  it 
was  no  longer  time,  for  all  his  men  were  in  disarray, 
and  everyone  had  taken  his  own  road. 

In  spite  of  all  this  he  (Dara)  did  not  lose  heart,  but 
waving  his  hands  made  signs  to  continue  the  advance. 
Then  Rustam  Khan  and  Chhatar  Sal  Rae,  although 
they  had  suffered  by  the  first  discharge  of  the  enemy, 
came  up  and  collected  as  many  fresh  men  as  they  could. 
Dara  did  the  same.  Then  with  such  vigour,  courage, 
wrath,  and  violence  did  he  attack  his  opponents  that 
he  broke  through  the  guns  and  penetrated  to  their 
camp,  putting  to  rout  camels,  infantry,  and  everything 
that  was  to  be  found  in  that  direction. 

Seeing  the  boldness  of  Dara,  the  enemy  sent  as 
reinforcement  a  large  division  led  by  Secmir  (Shekh 
Mir),  teacher  of  Aurangzeb,  and  other  famous  captains. 
This  body  made  all  haste,  and  at  this  point  arose  the 
hottest  of  the  fighting  on  both  sides.  At  length, 
coming  to  closer  quarters,  they  took  to  their  swords 
with  the  greatest  vigour.  Dara  continued  to  hold  his 
ground,  seated  on  his  elephant,  shouting  and  making 
signs  with  his  hands.  He  advanced  always  with  the 
greatest  composure,  until,  unable  to  bear  up  against 
this  stout  resistance,  the  enemy  was  forced  to  retire. 

I  saw  in  this  action,  as  in  so  many  others  where  I 
was  afterwards  present,  that  the  only  soldiers  who 
fought  were  those  well  to  the  front.  Of  those  more  to 
the  rear,  although  holding  their  bared  swords  in  their 
hands,  the  Moguls  did  nothing  but  shout  "  Boquox, 
boquox  !  "  (Ba-kush,  ba-kush  /),  and  the  Indians  "  Mar, 
mar!"  (Mar,  mar!)— that  is  to  say,  "Kill,  kill!"  If 
those  in  the  front  advanced,  those  behind  followed  the 
example,  and  if  the  former  retired  the  others  fled,  a 
custom  of  Hindustan  quite  contrary  to  that  of  Europe ; 
and  if  they  begin  to  take  flight,  by  no  method  is  it 
possible  to  stop  them. 


AURANGZEB   IN   DANGER  65 

Owing  to  the  great  disorder  of  his  people,  caused 
by  the  valour  of  Dara,  Aurangzeb,  who  was  not  very 
far  away,  ran  great  risk  of  being  taken.  But  he  dis- 
regarded the  danger,  and  ordered  a  large  division  of 
his  best  cavalry,  which  was  close  at  hand,  to  take  up 
the  resistance  to  Dara's  advance.  He  tried  to  raise 
the  courage  of  the  few  soldiers  left  to  him  by  calling 
to  the  principal  men,  each  by  his  name,  saying : 
u  Mardaney  delavaram  bahader  vactas "  (Mardanl, 
dilaivaran-i-bahadur  !  waqt  ast  /) — that  is  to  say,  "Men 
of  power,  valour,  and  courage !  now  is  the  time ! " 
Then,  raising  his  hands  to  heaven,  he  exclaimed : 
11  Hia  Coda!  hia  Coda!"  (Yd  Khuda!  Yd  Khuda  /)— 
"  O  God  !  O  God  !  in  you  is  my  trust !  I  will  sooner 
die  on  this  spot  than  give  way."  Placing  his  hands 
upon  his  morion,  he  ordered  them  to  attach  iron 
chains  to  the  feet  of  his  elephant  as  an  attestation 
of  his  resolve.  He  pricked  his  elephant  a  little 
onward  to  reanimate  the  leaders  who  had  gathered 
round  him,  all  pledging  him  their  word  that  they 
would  yield  their  lives  in  his  sight  rather  than  recede 
one  single  step. 

Dara's  design  was  to  continue  his  advance  until  he 
had  closed  with  Aurangzeb,  and  could  attack  him  in 
person  ;  but,  owing  to  the  difficulties  of  the  ground 
and  to  the  fatigue  that  overcame  him,  he  made  a  short 
halt.  This  hindered  his  winning  the  day ;  for  if  he 
had  kept  his  original  rate  of  progress,  and  maintained 
the  vigour  of  his  onslaught,  the  victory  was  his. 
Aurangzeb  could  have  made  no  resistance  with  the 
small  force  left  round  him,  for  with  a  few  men  it  was 
not  possible  to  repel  his  enemy's  victorious  fighters, 
full  of  bravery  and  strength. 

But  Aurangzeb's  lucky  star  worked  in  his  favour, 
for  while  Dara  was  still  halted  news  came  to  him 
that  Chhatar  Sal  Rae  had  been  routed  and  killed  by 
Najabat  Khan's  force.  Subsequently  another  still  more 
unhappy  report  reached  him  (Dara).  Rustam  Khan 
who  fought  against  Sultan  Muhammad  and  Bahadur 


66  EVIL   TIDINGS 

Khan,  was  also  dead  and  his  division  in  disorder. 
These  leaders  were  killed  by  the  traitors  in  their 
ranks,  it  being  the  more  easy  to  kill  them  that  they 
were  riding  on  high  elephants. 

Learning  that  the  troops  of  the  two  deceased 
generals  were  still  fighting  valorously,  he  (Dara) 
turned  off  to  reinforce  those  divisions,  doing  his 
work  so  effectually  that  he  routed  Sultan  Muhammad 
and  Najabat  Khan,  and  failed  not  at  all  in  that  which 
is  expected  of  a  valiant  general.  If  that  coward 
traitor,  Khalilullah  Khan,  had  made  the  slightest 
effort  in  support  of  his  Prince  Dara,  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  this  day  would  have  seen  the  destruction 
of  the  rebels,  and  have  become  a  consolation  to 
Shahjahan,  a  glory  to  Dara,  and  a  day  of  peace  for  all 
Hindustan.  For  Shah  Shuja',  although  a  valiant 
soldier,  had  not  a  large  army,  nor  had  he  much  sense, 
and  it  would  have  been  possible  to  defeat  him  quickly, 
of  which  we  will  speak  hereafter. 

But  it  seems  as  if  God  meant  to  punish  the  sins 
and  lasciviousness  of  Shahjahan  and  the  overweening 
pride  of  Hindustan  ;  for  there  came  once  more  to 
Dara  a  piece  of  news  still  more  overwhelming — that 
is,  the  death  of  Ram  Singh,  Rathor.  This  rajah 
attacked  with  such  energy  the  Prince  Murad  Bakhsh 
that  he  penetrated  the  enemy's  ranks  and  gave  them 
much  to  do.  He  dispersed  their  vanguard  with  his  brave 
Rajputs,  captured  their  artillery,  and,  coming  close 
up  to  Murad  Bakhsh,  stuck  his  elephant  and  its  howdah 
full  of  arrows,  and  killed  the  cornac,  or  man  who  guides 
the  elephant.  Finally  they  planted  three  arrows  in 
the  face  of  Murad  Bakhsh.  He  had  as  much  as  he 
could  do  to  defend  his  life,  to  guide  his  elephant,  and 
look  after  his  restless  infant  son.  The  boy  was  so 
anxious  to  see  what  was  going  on  that  his  father 
was  forced  to  cover  him  with  his  shield  and  place  one 
foot  over  his  head. 

There  was  no  one  on  Aurangzeb's  side  who  fought 
so  well  as  this  prince.  Raging  at  this  resistance,  and 


DEATH   OF   RAM   SINGH,   RATHOR  67 

finding  it  impossible  to  slay  him,  Ram  Singh,  Rathor, 
and  some  of  his  Rajputs  dismounted,  and,  like  raven- 
ing dogs,  leapt  on  the  elephant,  hoping  to  sever  the 
girths  by  sword-cuts  and  lance-thrusts,  and  thus  bring 
Murad  Bakhsh  to  the  ground.  The  latter,  seizing  the 
occasion,  saw  that  he  could  make  a  good  shot,  and 
planted  an  arrow  in  the  breast  of  Ram  Singh,  Rathor, 
who  forthwith  fell  to  the  ground.  The  elephant 
turned  and  seized  him  with  its  trunk,  and,  throwing 
him  beneath  his  feet,  finished  him  off.  Thereupon 
the  Rajputs,  seeing  their  beloved  captain  was  dead, 
increased  in  rage  and  fury,  and  battled  more  violently 
than  ever. 

Already  a  victor  in  three  encounters,  Dara,  when 
he  heard  this  report,  hastened  with  greater  courage 
than  ever  to  the  reinforcement  of  the  Rajputs  against 
Murad  Bakhsh.  He  felt  certain  that  if  this  brother 
were  put  to  death  he  could  easily  gain  his  purpose. 
But  his  evil  fate  would  not  concede  to  him  the  effecting 
of  this,  however  great  and  glorious  he  held  himself 
to  be.  There  now  came  to  pass  a  treason  that  had 
never  been  looked  for,  such  as  none  had  ever  seen, 
none  could  ever  have  imagined.  It  was  the  cause  of 
Dara's  total  loss  and  ruin,  although  this  did  not  appear 
at  the  time. 

What  happened  was  that  the  astute  traitor  Khalt- 
lullah  Khan,  using  the  pretext  of  a  good  chance  of 
seizing  Aurangzeb,  came  to  Dara  and  acclaimed  him 
as  victor,  and  spoke  to  him  thus  :  "  I  know  well  that 
I  have  been  in  many  battles  and  campaigns,  and  beheld 
the  mighty  deeds  of  renowned  warriors,  yet  never 
have  I  heard  of  a  prince  like  your  Highness,  who, 
appearing  for  the  first  time  in  the  battlefield,  accom- 
plished such  valiant  acts.  One  thing  alone  remains 
to  display  to  the  world  your  qualities — that  is,  the 
capture  of  Aurangzeb.  I  feel  compassion  for  the 
fatigues  your  Highness  has  already  undergone,  but 
it  would  be  wrong  to  lose  such  a  good  opportunity. 
Yonder  stands  Aurangzeb  with  a  scanty  following ; 


68         THE   TRAITOR,   KHALILULLAH    KHAN 

let  us  go  at  once  and  seize  him,  as  can  be  done 
without  any  difficulty.  Let  your  highness  be  pleased 
to  descend  from  your  elephant  and  mount  your  horse, 
and  ride  at  the  head  of  your  own  cavalry  and  the 
squadrons  committed  to  my  charge.  We  will  go  to- 
gether to  the  attack.  It  was  for  this  alone  that  I  saved 
my  division,  seeing  that  up  to  now  there  was  no 
necessity  for  my  engaging." 

Poor  Dara  !  Without  fully  considering  what  he  was 
doing  and  what  would  follow  when  he  was  no  longer 
to  be  seen  on  his  elephant,  towards  which  all  turned 
their  gaze,  but  relying  on  the  soft  words  oi  Khalilullah 
Khan,  by  which  he  allowed  himself  to  be  persuaded 
and  deceived,  he  took  the  advice,  as  it  appeared  to 
him  that  what  had  been  said  was  very  true.  He 
alighted  from  his  elephant,  and  this  was  as  if  he  had 
quitted  victory  ;  for  the  soldiers  and  commanders,  who 
in  the  midst  of  battle  kept  an  eye  on  Dara,  not  seeing 
him  on  his  elephant,  assumed  that  he  must  be  already 
dead.  For  this  reason  they  were  thrown  into  great 
confusion. 

I  myself  was  in  great  astonishment  and  dismay, 
not  knowing  what  to  imagine,  finding  all  in  confusion, 
and  Dara  no  longer  on  his  elephant ;  meanwhile  the 
whole  army  was  fleeing  to  the  rear,  like  dark  clouds 
blown  by  a  high  wind,  seeking  safety  for  their  lives 
in  the  belief  that  Aurangzeb,  although  still  at  a  good 
distance,  was  already  upon  us.  Dara,  on  beholding 
this  great  confusion  and  flight,  fell  into  deep  thought, 
and  saw  now  the  mistake  he  had  made,  and  the  plot 
laid  for  him  by  Khalilullah  Khan.  He  repented  him 
of  the  fault,  but  it  was  too  late.  Full  of  wrath  and 
raging,  he  asked  where  was  the  traitor  Khalilullah 
Khan.  Let  him  be  sought  for  and  brought,  for  he 
meant  to  slay  him.  But  the  traitor  was  already  afar 
off.  His  lord  having  dismounted  from  his  elephant, 
and  mounted  his  horse,  he  (Kbalflullah  Khan)  rejoined 
his  division,  with  the  object  of  transferring  himself 
and  his  soldiers  to  the  side  of  Aurangzeb.  The 


DARA'S   FLIGHT  69 

soldiers  who  followed  him  did  not  exceed  five  thou- 
sand horsemen  ;  the  rest  of  those  under  his  command 
were  soldiers  of  King  Shahjahan.  But  these  latter 
fell  into  disorder  like  the  others,  finding  themselves 
without  a  leader  to  direct  them,  owing  to  the  treachery 
that  had  occurred. 

These  events  of  the  battle  which  I  have  related 
occupied  some  three  hours.  The  affair  beginning  at 
nine  o'clock  in  the  morning,  it  was  near  midday  that 
the  rout  took  place.  A  great  many  men  and  a  still 
greater  number  of  horses  and  other  animals  were 
killed.  The  reason  of  this  was  that  our  horses  were 
much  out  of  condition,  and  not  used  to  the  heavy 
work  of  a  battle,  while,  on  the  contrary,  Aurangzeb's 
horses  were  not  overfed,  and  were  used  to  work. 
Other  causes  were  the  great  heat  prevailing,  the  want 
of  water,  and  the  excessive  dust.  It  seemed  to  me 
more  died  this  way  than  by  injury  from  weapons. 

[Finding  that  the  day  was  lost,  and  that  it  was 
impossible  to  rally  his  scattered  army,  Dara  took 
flight  in  the  direction  of  Agrah.] 

The  miserable  and  unfortunate  Dara,  by  a  hurried 
flight,  reached  the  gates  of  the  Agrah  fortress  at 
nine  o'clock  at  night,  and  sought  some  repose.  But 
he  did  not  want  to  enter,  fearing  that  Aurangzeb 
might  invest  it,  and  thus  prevent  his  exit,  when  he 
would  fall  a  prisoner,  and  be  abandoned  by  everyone. 
At  the  same  time  he  was  greatly  ashamed  at  appear- 
ing before  his  father.  He  remembered  that  Shahjahan 
had  wished  to  be  present  in  the  battle,  but  he  had 
withheld  consent,  whereat  he  was  now  exceeding 
sorry.  So  far  had  he  lost  his  wits  that  he  knew  not 
what  he  said  or  did. 

He  sent  this  message  to  Shahjahan,  his  father,  and 
his  well-beloved  sister,  Begam  Sahib :  "  What  has 
now  happened  to  me  is  what  you  foretold."  He 
grieved  them  much,  but  as  they  loved  him,  in  place 
of  repining  at  his  evil  fate,  and  in  spite  of  all  differ- 
ences, the  good  old  man  his  father  sent  to  him  a 
6 


70  DARA  AT  AGRAH 

faithful  eunuch  called  Faim  (Fahim)  to  console  him 
(Dara),  and  assure  him  that  he  still  cherished  for  him, 
and  would  for  ever  cherish,  the  same  love  and  strong 
friendship  that  he  had  always  had  for  him  ;  he  felt 
deeply  the  misfortune  that  had  befallen  him.  But  he 
must  not  despair.  There  was  still  the  other  great 
army  under  Sulaiman  Shukoh ;  with  it  he  could 
renew  the  attack  on  the  rebels,  and  routing  them 
inflict  vengeance  on  them  for  their  temerity. 

At  the  same  time  Shahjahan  ordered  to  be  sent  to 
Dara  mules  laden  with  gold  coin.  He  suggested  his 
proceeding  to  the  city  of  Dihli,  and  taking  all  the 
horses  and  elephants  in  the  royal  stables.  Orders 
were  sent  to  the  governor  of  Dihli  to  open  the  gates 
to  Dara,  and  to  deliver  to  him  the  fortress,  with  all 
the  treasures  and  other  things  within  it.  He  was  to 
be  received  with  the  same  ceremonial  and  deference 
as  if  it  were  he  (Shahjahan)  in  propria  persona.  For 
the  execution  of  these  orders  trusty  and  well-known 
persons  were  sent  in  his  suite,  carrying  letters  to  the 
above  effect.  He  was  advised  to  remain  in  Dihli,  and 
not  proceed  farther.  He  (Shahjahan)  gave  his  word 
of  honour  that  he  would  do  all  he  could  to  seize  and 
chastise  Aurangzeb.  He  would  keep  him  (Dara)  in- 
formed of  everything  that  happened. 

The  eunuch  delivered  this  speech,  but  Dara  was 
to  such  an  extent  confused,  enfeebled,  and  cast  down, 
with  his  thoughts  wandering  and  his  mind  full  of 
tribulation,  that  he  was  unable  to  utter  a  word,  and 
lay  writhing  on  the  ground.  The  eunuch  tried  all 
he  could  to  console  him  on  seeing  him  in  this  deep 
affliction,  but  he  could  not  extract  a  single  sensible 
word. 

His  sister,  Begam  Sahib,  sent  another  faithful 
eunuch  to  him  with  some  valuable  jewels.  She  ex- 
pressed her  deep  grief,  telling  him  that  she  was  even 
more  discomfited  than  he;  but  she  had  not  lost  all 
hope  of  seeing  him  reign  peacefully,  that  ever  would 
she  petition  God  in  her  prayers  to  look  favourably 


DARA  AT   DIHLI   AND   LAHOR  71 

on  him.  After  this  talk  Dara  repaired  hurriedly  to 
his  mansion,  and  ordered  the  removal  of  all  the 
precious  stones  that  could  be  carried  off.  At  mid- 
night he  made  a  start,  taking  with  him  his  three 
wives,  his  daughter,  Jani  Begom  (Jan!  Begam),  his 
little  son,  Super  Xacu  (Sipihr  Shukoh),  and  some 
chosen  slave  girls.  On  his  departure  for  the  city 
of  Dihli  he  was  followed  by  some  five  hundred 
soldiers,  for  the  most  part  slaves  of  his  household. 
It  was  a  great  affliction  to  see  such  a  down-come. 

On  arriving  at  the  city  of  Dihli  he  sent  at  once 
the  orders  of  his  father  to  the  governor,  requiring 
him  to  make  over  the  fortress.  But  the  governor, 
already  averted  by  the  letters  of  Aurangzeb,  to  whom 
he  was  well  affected,  declined  to  comply  with  Shah- 
jahan's  orders.  Thus  the  unhappy  Dara  was  forced, 
after  seizing  what  horses  there  were  in  the  royal 
stables,  to  resume  his  march,  and  make  for  Lahor. 
Seeing  our  total  defeat,  I  made  in  haste  for  the  city 
of  Agrah,  where  I  arrived  at  ten  o'clock  at  night. 
The  whole  city  was  in  an  uproar,  for  a  Portuguese 
called  Antonio  de  Azevedo,  who  early  in  the  battle 
had  witnessed  the  plunder  of  the  baggage,  rode  off 
at  full  speed.  On  arriving  at  the  city  of  Agrah,  at 
two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  his  horse  fell  dead  at 
his  door.  Thus  the  news  spread  that  Dara  had  lost 
the  battle,  and  the  confusion  was  increased  by  Dara's 
own  arrival.  The  curiosity  of  everyone  was  aroused 
to  know  how  the  defeat  had  happened,  and  men  asked 
each  passer-by  about  the  safety  of  his  master.  This 
happened  to  me.  An  old  woman  asked  me  what  had 
become  of  Khalilullah  Khan.  Owing  to  the  rage  I 
was  in  at  his  treachery,  I  replied  at  once  that  I  was 
present  when  he  was  torn  to  pieces.  The  old  woman 
was  very  disconsolate,  and  hastening  her  steps  went 
off  to  give  this  news  at  his  house.  Much  weeping  and 
lamenting  was  caused  thereby,  they  supposing  it  to 
be  the  truth,  for  I  had  entered  into  some  details  on 
purpose. 


72  MANUCCI   TRIES  TO   LEAVE  AGRAH 

On  learning  that  Dara  was  resuming  his  journey 
and  making  for  Dihli,  I  decided  that  very  instant 
upon  rejoining  him.  But  my  steed  was  so  worn  out 
that  he  could  hardly  stand,  just  as  were  those  of 
everyone  who  reached  the  city  that  night.  I  decided 
to  take  a  rest  for  twenty-four  hours,  and  after  that  to 
start  and  go  in  search  of  Dara. 

Aurangzeb  showed  no  want  of  promptitude  in  carry- 
ing out  his  designs.  Within  twenty-four  hours  he 
dispatched  Bahadur  Khan  with  several  troops  of 
cavalry  to  occupy  the  road  to  and  from  Agrah  on  the 
west.  This  was  to  hinder  anyone  following  Dara. 
As  a  result,  the  first  men  to  take  to  the  road  before 
the  day  dawned,  among  them  several  Europeans, 
found  free  passage ;  but  the  rest,  not  knowing  that 
Bahadur  Khan  was  already  in  position,  started  on  the 
journey,  only  to  be  plundered  of  all  they  carried 
and  sent  away  with  a  good  beating,  coming  back  to 
the  city. 

Without  knowing  these  facts,  at  nine  o'clock  in  the 
morning  I  made  a  start,  riding  my  horse,  followed  by 
a  loaded  camel  and  some  servants.  Issuing  from  the 
city,  I  saw  several  squadrons  dispersed  in  the  plain. 
As  I  imagined  these  to  be  our  men,  I  decided  to  join 
them.  Then  I  saw  that  a  body  of  some  five  hundred 
horsemen  with  its  commander  was  bearing  down  upon 
me.  On  its  drawing  near,  the  leader  advanced  from 
it,  attended  by  two  horsemen.  When  quite  close  he 
asked  me  lovingly  where  I  was  going.  I  replied  with- 
out subterfuge  that  I  was  on  my  way  to  find  my 
master  Dara.  He  took  compassion  on  my  youth  and 
innocence,  and  said  to  me  that  if  I  followed  his  advice 
I  should  return  home,  for  if  I  proceeded  farther  I  ran 
great  risk  of  losing  my  life.  This  captain  was  so 
generous  that,  to  protect  me,  he  escorted  me  safely  to 
my  house. 

If  he  had  not  done  this,  there  can  be  little  doubt  I 
should  have  been  plundered  by  others  posted  on  the 
road,  or  even  by  his  own  soldiers,  who  betrayed 


AURANGZEB   AND    HIS   DESIGNS  73 

every  desire  to  plunder  me  had  he  not  prevented 
them.  Seeing  me  into  my  house  unharmed,  he  advised 
me  not  to  leave  it  again.  The  government  had  already 
changed  hands,  and  Aurangzeb  was  victor.  For  that 
time  I  had  escaped,  and  I  looked  out  for  a  safer 
opportunity  to  start  in  search  of  Dara,  for  whom  I  had 
a  great  affection.  If  Aurangzeb  had  not  barred  the 
way,  all  Dara's  people  would  have  gone  on  to  rejoin 
him.  But  they  could  not  then  do  it,  as  I  have  told 
you,  for  they  came  in  tired  out  by  their  flight,  and 
their  horses  quite  exhausted. 

I  remained  in  the  city  of  Agrah,  and  observed  the 
way  in  which  Aurangzeb  forwarded  his  designs.  For 
on  the  eighth  of  the  month  of  June,  one  thousand  six 
hundred  and  fifty-six  (correctly,  1658),  four  days  after 
the  battle,  Aurangzeb  and  Murad  Bakhsh  arrived  at 
Agrah.  They  posted  their  army  close  to  a  garden 
called  Zafarabad  (Ja'farabad  or  Zafarabad)  near  the 
city,  at  a  distance  of  two  miles.  Thence  Aurangzeb 
sent  his  eunuch,  called  Fahim,  an  able,  astute,  and 
loyal  person,  to  visit  his  father,  carrying  a  thousand 
beautiful  protestations  of  love  and  submission.  He 
professed  to  be  much  affected  by  what  had  passed,  his 
excuse  being  that  the  ambitious  and  evil  thoughts  of 
Dara  had  forced  him  into  resorting  to  all  these  ex- 
tremities. As  for  the  rest,  he  was  highly  elated  at  the 
good  news  of  his  (Shahjahan's)  better  health.  He 
was  now  at  the  capital,  ready  to  receive  and  obey  his 
orders. 

The  eunuch  Fahim  made  no  stint  either  of  obeis- 
ances or  of  soft  and  humble  speeches.  He  dwelt  on 
the  goodwill  and  excellent  intentions  of  Aurangzeb. 
Nor,  on  the  other  hand,  was  Shahjahan  wanting  in  a 
plentiful  display  of  loving  satisfaction. 

[There  was  much  finessing,  plots,  and  counterplots 
on  both  sides ;  but  Aurangzeb  had  well-laid  plans,  and 
finally  succeeded  in  occupying  the  fortress  of  Agrah 
and  in  making  his  father  a  prisoner.] 

Finding  himself  already  practically  with  control 
6* 


74  MANUCCI   STARTS   FOR   DIHLl 

over  all  the  nobles  at  court,  and  Shahjahan  securely 
lodged  in  prison,  Aurangzeb  appointed  his  maternal 
uncle  Shaistah  Khan,  governor  of  the  city  of  Agrah. 
Taking  out  of  the  treasury  whatever  money  he 
wanted,  he  and  Murad  Bakhsh  started  in  pursuit 
of  Dara.  The  latter  was  already  in  Lahor  raising  a 
new  army,  having  lost  all  hope  of  aid  from  Sulaiman 
Shukoh. 

On  the  day  that  the  two  armies  quitted  Agrah, 
which  was  in  the  beginning  of  June,  I  disguised  my- 
self as  a  holy  mendicant  and  joined  their  train,  mean- 
ing to  stick  to  the  service  of  Dara.  The  eunuch 
Shahbaz  and  the  more  intimate  friends  of  Murad 
Bakhsh  advised  him  to  allow  Aurangzeb  to  go  after 
Dara  by  himself,  while  he  should  conduct  an  invest- 
ment of  Agrah  and  Dibit  with  his  army,  which  was 
already  far  larger  than  before.  But,  not  perceiving 
the  finessing  and  wiliness  of  Aurangzeb,  he  relied  on 
the  promises  and  oaths  of  fidelity  which  had  been 
made  to  him  upon  the  Alcorao  (the  Quran).  He 
neglected  to  listen  to  these  faithful  men,  and  allowed 
himself  to  be  played  with  by  that  fabricator  and 
deceiver. 

[Before  the  armies  reached  Dibit,  Aurangzeb  had 
carried  out  his  intention  of  making  his  brother  Murad 
Bakbsh  a  prisoner,  and  Manucci,  anxious  to  rejoin 
his  master,  completed  the  last  part  of  the  journey 
alone.] 

"  Beholding  all  this  [the  capture  of  Murad  Bakhsh] 
and  hearing  that  Dara  had  decided  to  raise  a  fresh 
army  in  the  province  of  Lahor,  I  started  as  a  humble 
mendicant  for  the  city  of  Dibit  There  I  remained 
some  fifteen  days,  awaiting  the  assembling  of  more 
travellers.  For  the  villagers  and  thieves  were  plunder- 
ing the  highways,  and  created  a  good  deal  of  tribula- 
tion to  travellers,  robbing  them  and  slaying  them. 
They  were  forced  to  do  their  stages  with  arms  ready 
in  their  hands,  while  pursuing  their  way.  Each  night 
we  took  shelter  in  the  saracs,  where  we  were  able  to 


ADVENTURES   ON   THE  WAY  75 

take  some  rest  in  security.  Every  day  we  halted  at 
noon  to  feed  and  rest  the  animals,  and  at  two  in  the 
afternoon  we  resumed  our  march,  until  we  reached 
another  same  somewhere  before  sunset.  Once  on 
this  journey  we  were  resting  at  midday  near  a  town 
called  Panipat  (Panipat),  distant  from  Dihl!  four  days' 
journey.  When  the  time  came  to  start  again,  my 
cart-man  could  not  be  found,  and  the  convo}'  set  out. 
1  knew  not  what  to  do,  for  after  a  good  deal  of  effort 
I  was  unable  to  get  hold  of  my  cart-driver.  By  this 
trouble  I  was  much  put  out,  for  I  found  that  the  oxen 
would  not  obey  me,  nor  could  I  travel  on  foot,  for 
fear  of  being  attacked.  The  men  of  the  place  sur- 
rounded me,  and  wanted  to  rob  me,  which  they  did 
not  do  only  because  I  had  nothing.  I  was  much 
perplexed.  They  advised  me  to  continue  my  route, 
for  during  the  night  (as  they  assumed)  someone  would 
be  able  to  kill  me. 

Meanwhile  my  cart-driver  turned  up  ;  he  came 
running  in  great  haste  from  the  halting-place.  As 
soon  as  he  got  near  me  I  fell  upon  him  in  a  great 
rage  and  gave  him  a  sound  beating.  I  knew  not 
the  favour  that  had  been  accorded  me  by  Divine 
Providence,  which  in  sui  disposition*  non  falitur,  and 
even  does  us  the  most  benefit  when  it  seems  the 
most  against  us.  I  started  on  my  road,  and  the  cart- 
man  wanted  to  hurry,  fancying  that  he  could  catch 
up  the  rest  of  the  party,  who  were  two  hours  ahead 
of  us,  and  thereby  enter  into  my  good  graces  again. 
But  I  assured  him  we  could  never  overtake  them, 
anyhow,  could  not  reach  the  sarae.  He  had  better 
drive  on  at  a  moderate  pace.  Still  displeased  with 
the  cart-man,  I  inquired  why  he  had  been  so  heedless, 
knowing  the  perils  existing  on  the  road.  He  replied 
that,  overcome  by  his  necessities,  he  had  gone  some 
distance  from  the  town,  and  then  there  had  come 
on  him  heavy  sleep,  so  that  he  had  been  unable 
to  wake  sooner;  this  was  the  cause  of  his  delay. 

During  this  conversation  we  had  entered   into  a 


;6  A   LUCKY  ESCAPE 

wood,  through  which  we  had  to  pass.  When  within 
it  I  beheld  with  terror  the  greater  number  of  our 
party  heaped  together,  either  decapitated  or  wounded, 
and  all  plundered  and  ruined ;  the  few  who  survived 
were  stripped  naked.  The  cart-man,  frightened  to 
death  at  the  spectacle,  wanted  to  drive  off  with  his 
cart  across  the  jungle  without  attending  the  dead  and 
wounded  lying  on  the  road.  I  told  him  to  go  slowly, 
that  there  was  nothing  to  be  afraid  of,  for  the  danger 
had  passed  (although  I  was  a  good  deal  frightened 
myself).  I  found  one  poor  creature  lying  in  the 
middle  of  the  road  with  a  spear  thrust  through  him, 
who,  raising  his  hands  to  heaven,  prayed  me  to  help 
him.  Taking  compassion  on  him,  I  stretched  forth 
my  hand  to  lift  him  into  my  cart,  whereupon  the 
driver  pricked  up  his  bullocks,  and  did  not  give  me 
the  chance  of  doing  this  deed  of  charity. 

We  went  on  our  way,  and  coming  forth  from  the 
wood,  I  noticed  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  village 
where  we  were  to  put  up  appeared  before  us.  Aware 
of  the  great  mishap  that  had  occurred,  when,  in 
spite  of  all  that,  they  saw  a  cart  appear  quietly  from 
such  a  perilous  spot,  they  were  in  the  greatest  amaze- 
ment, and  questioned  me  as  to  how  I  had  saved  my 
life.  Then  I  replied  that  God  knew  how  to  deliver 
poor  men  from  the  hands  of  scoundrels.  I  continued 
my  journey,  always  in  the  fear  of  thieves,  until  I 
reached  the  river  called  Bear  (Biyas  or  Biah),  where 
I  found  an  officer,  Dautcan  (Da,ud  Khan),  who, 
quitting  Sulaiman  Shukoh,  had  come  to  join  Dara 
through  jungle  and  desert  by  a  very  difficult  route, 
where  he  had  been  in  fear  of  his  life.  This  he  did  for 
the.  love  he  bore  him  (Dara).  The  latter  had  entrusted 
him  with  sufficient  artillery,  cavalry,  and  infantry  to 
bar  the  passage  of  the  river  to  Aurangzeb. 

I  presented  myself  to  him  (Da,ud  Khan),  and  as 
he  recognised  me  he  treated  me  with  much  honour, 
and  granted  me  a  passport  for  my  onward  journey. 
Without  such  no  one  could  go  on  to  the  city  of  Lahor. 


MANUCCI   REJOINS   DARA  77 

There  I  arrived  at  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  when 
Prince  Dara  was  actually  seated  giving  audience. 
Quitting  the  cart,  I  threw  my  small  wallet  across 
my  shoulder,  and  taking  in  my  hands  my  bow  and 
seven  arrows,  I  entered  the  palace.  When  my  com- 
mander Barcandas  Can  (Barqandaz  Khan)  saw  me, 
he  advanced  to  greet  me ;  and  after  embracing  me 
with  great  affection,  he  led  me  joyfully  to  the  presence 
of  the  prince  just  as  I  was.  There  I  performed  the 
usual  obeisances,  and  he  (Dara)  with  exceeding  glad- 
ness exclaimed  in  a  loud  voice  :  "  Xabas  !  xabas !  " 
(Shabash  !  slidbash  /) — that  is  to  say,  "  Bravo  !  bravo ! " 
His  eyes  brimming  over  with  tears,  he  turned  to 
his  officers  and  said  in  a  troubled  tone:  "See,  you 
others,  the  fidelity  of  this  European  Farangi  lad,  who, 
although  neither  of  my  religion  nor  of  my  race,  nor 
for  long  an  eater  of  my  salt,  having  only  entered  my 
service  when  these  wars  began,  came  after  me  with 
such  loyalty  through  the  midst  of  such  dangers ;  while 
those  maintained  by  me  for  so  long,  and  getting  im- 
mense payments,  with  base  ingratitude  and  utter 
disloyalty  abandoned  me  when  I  had  need  of  them, 
just  as  you  others  have  seen." 

After  this  speech  Dara  asked  if  other  European 
Farangis  accompanied  me.  To  this  I  answered  that 
the  hardships  of  the  road  hindered  many  from  coming, 
but  as  they  found  a  chance  they  would  come.  Dara 
ordered  a  horse  to  be  given  to  me,  which  was  at  once 
brought.  Not  liking  the  look  of  it,  he  directed  them 
to  give  me  another  and  better  one.  He  increased  my 
pay,  making  it,  in  place  of  eighty  rupees,  one  hundred 
and  fifty  rupees  every  month.  An  order  was  issued 
for  a  present  to  me  of  five  hundred  rupees  with  a 
11  serpao  "  (sarapa).  I  put  up  at  a  house  where  several 
of  my  European  friends  were  staying — they  had  got 
away  from  Agrah  before  it  was  invested — and  with 
them  I  dwelt. 

Aware  that  Aurangzeb  was  drawing  nearer  and 
nearer,  and  distrusting  his  officers,  having  a  force 


78          DEPARTURE  OF   DARA   FOR   MULTAN 

insufficient  for  resistance,  Dara  sent  an  order  to 
withdraw  the  few  men  and  guns  posted  at  the  river- 
crossing.  He  directed  his  powder-magazine  to  be 
blown  up,  which  was  speedily  done.  He  then  left 
Lahor  in  the  end  of  October  one  thousand  six  hundred 
and  fifty-six  (correctly  1658).  He  took  with  him  the 
whole  of  his  family,  and  at  the  head  of  eight  thousand 
horsemen  started  for  the  city  of  Moltan  (Multan), 
which  lies  on  the  bank  of  the  River  Ravi,  the  same 
river  as  at  Lahor.  The  distance  of  that  city  (Multan) 
from  Lahor  is  ten  days'  journey. 

I  made  up  my  mind  not  to  march  along  with  Dara, 
owing  to  some  business,  but  to  leave  on  the  third  day. 
During  the  second  day  I  passed  before  the  door  of 
the  officer  second  in  command  of  the  artillery,  a  Turk 
by  race,  called  Rumican  (Rumf  Khan),  who  was  busy 
in  the  preparations  and  the  enlistment  of  men ;  he  had 
also  some  field-pieces,  which  he  meant  to  take  with 
him.  As  soon  as  he  saw  me  he  called  me,  and  as 
I  got  near  ordered  me  to  dismount  at  once.  He 
asked  me  where  I  was  off  to,  and  I  answered  that 
I  was  on  my  way  to  make  preparations  to  start  for 
the  army.  He  told  me  to  sit  down,  and  said  he  also 
was  starting  that  day;  he  would  send  to  fetch  my 
baggage,  and  I  could  go  with  him.  I  was  suspicious, 
believing  that  he  distrusted  me,  and  I  concluded  that 
it  would  not  suit  me  to  march  with*  him ;  for  then  it 
could  be  said  that  he  had  brought  me  by  force,  which 
would  be  to  my  discredit.  So  I  answered  him  by 
praying  his  leave  to  go  to  my  house  to  collect  some 
cash  and  pay  my  debts,  and  put  together  my  things ; 
after  that  I  would  come  back  and  join  him.  But  the 
obstinate  Turk  would  not  listen  to  me  nor  give  me 
leave,  so  it  came  to  my  deciding  absolutely  to  kill 
him,  if  he  would  not  allow  me  to  go.  For  it  was  not 
right  for  me  to  be  made  to  march  by  force.  I  was  in 
Dara's  service,  had  a  good  reputation,  and  wished  to 
rejoin  without  the  slightest  delay.  Thus  I  told  him 
that  the  favours  I  had  received  from  Dara  left  me 


MANUCCI   AND  RUMl    KHAN  79 

under  such  an  obligation  that  I  would  sooner  lose 
my  life  than  miss  an  occasion  to  prove  my  gratitude 
to  my  king.  For  Dara  I  would  sacrifice  my  person ; 
and  if  he  did  not  believe  me,  let  him  send  twenty 
horsemen  with  me  to  my  house,  which  was  close  by. 
I  would  then  come  back  with  them.  Thus  I  spoke 
to  him,  having  absolutely  the  intention  of  killing  him, 
although  I  should  lose  my  own  life,  it  he  refused. 
But  God  was  good  to  me!  For  the  Turk  accepted 
this  my  ultimatum,  and  sent  with  me  twenty  horse- 
men with  express  orders  to  bring  me  back  to  his 
presence. 

I  got  on  my  horse  highly  delighted,  and  went  faster 
and  faster,  paying  no  heed  to  their  telling  me  to  go 
slowly.  They  urged  on  their  horses  to  overtake  me. 
This  irritated  me,  so  I  turned  in  my  seat  with  an  angry 
face,  and  laying  hold  of  my  sword,  so  threatened  them 
that  they  were  afraid  and  drew  back.  They  contented 
themselves  by  following  me  at  a  distance  until  I  went 
in  with  a  rush  into  the  house  of  a  friend,  leaving  the 
escort  at  the  door.  Directly  I  had  got  inside  I  seized 
a  musket  that  was  standing  in  a  corner,  and  then  went 
for  them,  discharging  the  piece  to  frighten  them. 
Next,  laying  hold  of  my  sword,  I  shouted  :  "  Strike, 
strike!"  though  without  much  hope  of  success.  But 
they,  supposing  that  there  were  a  number  of  us, 
scattered  in  all  directions. 

After  the  flight  of  these  horsemen,  I  told  my  friend 
to  get  upon  his  horse  and  come  along  with  me.  For 
when  the  news  should  reach  that  officer,  he  would 
send  a  great  many  soldiers  and  capture  us  if  we 
stayed.  He  would  not  listen,  and  leaving  him  in 
his  house,  I  mounted  on  horseback  and  went  outside 
the  city  until  night  came  on.  Then  I  came  home 
peacefully.  My  poor  friend  had  been  carried  off 
against  his  will,  as  I  had  prophesied.  Next  morning 
I  removed  such  chattels  as  I  could  carry  with  me  to 
the  house  of  another  friend.  When  I  was  about  to 
bind  my  bundle  on  my  horse's  back,  meaning  to  start 


So  MANUCCI    FOLLOWS   DARA 

on  my  journey  to  rejoin  the  army  and  Prince  Dara, 
there  appeared  one  of  the  officers  set  over  the  kotwdfs 
pioens  (policemen),  who  was  very  drunk.  This  man 
had  complete  control  over  that  officer  of  justice  (the 
kotwat).  He  began  to  abuse  me,  and  with  harsh 
words  ran  down  Dara's  followers.  I  dissembled  and 
made  use  of  all  my  patience,  which  conquers  every- 
thing, chiefly  because  I  saw  that  there  would  soon  be 
a  change  in  the  government  of  the  city  through  the 
departure  of  Dara. 

Rendered  still  more  impertinent  by  my  apparent 
quietude  and  patience,  the  officer  went  on  with  his 
insolence.  In  time  he  exhausted  my  patience,  and  in 
a  rage  I  picked  up  a  stone,  and  hurling  it  with  the 
greatest  force,  hit  him  in  the  mouth,  cutting  his  lips, 
and  sending  two  teeth  down  his  throat.  He  fell  to  the 
ground  and  spoke  no  more.  I  resumed  the  tying  on 
of  my  bundle,  and  before  I  mounted  gave  the  fellow 
several  kicks,  owing  to  the  rage  I  was  in. 

Taking  to  my  horse,  I  set  out  on  my  way,  unaware 
that  the  man's  servant  had  gone  to  tell  his  men. 
Having  gone  only  a  few  paces,  I  perceived  some 
thirty  foot  soldiers,  all  armed,  coming  hastily  in  search 
of  me  to  take  vengeance  for  the  affront  done  to  their 
officer.  I  wanted  to  turn  back  simply  that  I  might 
rid  myself  of  them.  Then  I  reflected  that  I  should 
only  light  upon  others  lying  in  wait  for  me.  Fixing 
my  turban  more  firmly,  angry  and  resolute,  sword  in 
hand,  I  spurred  my  horse,  on  which  I  relied  a  good 
deal.  I  flung  myself  into  their  midst,  and  they,  seeing 
my  anger  and  resolve,  were  not  bold  enough  to  attack 
me,  only  having  enough  presence  of  mind  to  salute 
me  and  leave  me  a  free  passage.  They  followed  me 
afar  off*,  relying  upon  others  who  had  been  sent  in 
pursuit.  To  these  it  happened  as  to  the  first  lot,  and 
they  all  followed  me  up  to  my  issuing  from  the  city. 
I  then  got  rid  of  them  and  went  on  my  way. 

After  three  days  I  arrived  in  the  army  of  Dara, 
where  I  found  the  officer  who  had  tried  to  carry  me 


ARRIVAL  AT   MULT  AN  81 

off  by  force  from  Labor.  I  told  him  I  had  come  to  lay 
a  complaint  against  him  before  Dara.  He  had  been 
the  cause  of  other  Europeans  not  accompanying  me, 
who  subsequently  had  decided  to  remain  where  they 
were  owing  to  the  bad  way  he  had  treated  me.  The 
Turk,  on  hearing  this,  embraced  me  with  the  greatest 
submissiveness,  and  begged  me  to  suppress  my 
grievance  for  the  sake  of  his  good  name. 

We  continued  our  marches  until  the  early  days  of 
November,  when  we  arrived  at  Multan,  an  ancient 
city  where  in  old  days,  before  the  Portuguese  were 
masters  of  the  Eastern  seas,  there  came  many  cafillas 
(qdftlah}  of  merchandise  and  spices  and  drugs  of  India. 
With  us  marched  the  great  Da,ud  Khan,  who,  spurred 
by  the  loyalty  and  affection  that  he  had  to  Dara,  would 
not  abandon  him,  offering  him  through  others  to  serve 
him  faithfully,  as  he  had  done  for  many  years.  But 
Dara  did  not  trust  him,  led  astray  by  the  forged  letters 
that  Aurangzeb  continued  to  write. 

To  impose  on  the  people  of  Multan,  Dara  made 
believe  that  he  intended  to  stop  in  that  city  and  enlist 
troops.  He  began  to  repair  the  houses  in  which 
formerly  Aurangzeb  lived  when  he  governed  that 
territory.  He  ordered  them  to  send  for  the  relations 
of  a  false  prophet,  then  deceased,  called  Coia  Bahaudim 
(Khwajah  Baha-ud-dm) — that  is  to  say,  "  Price  of  the 
Law" — one  greatly  venerated  by  the  Mahomedans, 
who  is  buried  in  the  middle  of  the  city  in  a  great  dome 
covered  with  blue  tiles,  an  ancient  building.  He 
earnestly  entreated  them  to  intercede  for  him  with 
Muhammad  that  he  might  favour  him  and  give  him 
the  victory  over  Aurangzeb.  They  gave  him  their 
word  that  without  fail  they  would  supplicate  Muham- 
mad ;  he  might  rest  assured  that  his  petitions  would 
be  considered,  being  as  they  were  so  just.  During  the 
following  night  they  would  so  arrange  that  they  should 
precede  everyone  and  be  the  first  to  receive  audience 
from  Muhammad,  and  thus  comply  with  his  Highness's 
desire. 


82        DARA   LEAVES   MULTAN   FOR   BHAKKAR 

The  following  day,  very  early,  Dara  took  care  to 
have  them  called  so  as  to  know  the  result  of  their 
prayers.  They  appeared,  as  this  sort  of  knave  knows 
so  well  how  to  do,  with  downcast  faces,  and  told  him 
that  all  night  long  they  had  been  in  the  presence  of 
Muhammad,  but  were  unable  to  speak  to  him,  because 
Aurangzeb  was  in  conversation  with  him.  But 
without  fail  they  would  the  following  night  find  an 
opening  for  his  petitions.  In  order  to  gratify  them, 
and  bind  them  still  more  to  his  interests,  Dara 
made  them  a  present  of  twenty-five  thousand  rupees 
and  a  covering  of  costly  stuff  to  be  spread  on  the 
tomb  of  the  false  prophet  (i.e.  Baha-ud-din).  But  on 
their  being  sent  for  again  the  next  morning,  they 
came  with  the  same  answer,  and  it  was  the  same  on 
the  third  day. 

When  Dara  was  informed  that  Aurangzeb  had  left 
Lahor  in  pursuit,  he  lost  faith  in  his  prophets  and  held 
it  best  to  withdraw  from  Multan.  For  this  purpose 
he  gave  orders  that  all  the  boats,  five  hundred  and 
seven  in  number,  should  be  made  ready  for  a  voyage 
towards  the  fortress  of  Bhakkar.  They  were  loaded 
with  supplies  of  food  requisite  for  a  beleaguered 
citadel ;  they  also  put  on  board  eight  cannon  carrying 
shot  of  from  sixty  to  one  hundred  and  twenty  pounds' 
weight,  besides  light  artillery,  ammunition,  and  the 
necessary  materiel  of  war.  Each  boat  carried,  more  or 
less,  a  hundred  tons  of  cargo. 

While  Dara  was  thus  preparing  to  resume  his  march, 
Aurangzeb  was  coming  after  him  by  long  marches, 
moving  on  day  and  night  without  halting,  at  the  head 
of  the  finest  part  of  his  army.  These  were  enough  to 
overcome  the  small  force  still  attached  to  Dara. 
Aurangzeb  had  left  behind  the  rest  of  his  army  with 
orders  to  follow.  Finding  that  he  was  pursued,  Dara 
was  compelled  to  move.  He  ordered  the  boats  to  be 
started  down  the  river,  putting  in  command  of  them  a 
valiant  eunuch,  Coia  Vacent  (Khwajah  Basant) — that  is 
to  say,  "  Springtime."  The  prince  left  by  the  land 


FIDELITY   OF   DA,UD   KHAN  83 

route  at  the  head  of  five  thousand  horsemen  and 
five  thousand  infantry.  Dara's  favoured  general, 
Barqandaz  Khan,  went  with  him ;  most  of  the  others 
deserted,  as  did  those  that  he  had  taken  on  at  Multan, 
carrying  off  the  large  sums  of  pay  that  he  had  dis- 
bursed to  them. 

Much  to  be  marvelled  at  was  the  obstinate  fidelity 
of  Da,ud  Khan.  Keeping  at  a  little  distance  from  our 
troops,  he  continued  to  follow.  He  sent  a  clear  mes- 
sage to  Dara  that  he  might  trust  him  ;  he  wanted  to 
accompany  him  whenever  the  occasion  arose,  and  with 
his  blood  would  seal  the  testimony  of  his  loyalty. 
The  prince  should  accept  his  advice,  and  not  believe 
in  the  forged  letters  that  had  fallen  into  his  hands. 
But  Dara,  more  and  more  suspicious,  sent  word  to 
him  that,  if  he  were  true  to  him,  let  him  cease  to 
follow  him  and  go  his  own  way.  By  this  time  Da,ud 
Khan  saw  that  it  was  of  no  use  to  try  to  remain 
with  his  well-beloved  prince,  and  sent  an  answer  that 
he  would  obey  orders  on  the  condition  that  his  dismissal 
was  by  writing. 

It  was  not  long  before  Dara  made  over  to  him 
a  paper  in  which  it  was  stated  :  "  I,  Dara,  discharge 
Da,ud  Khan,  and  command  him  to  withdraw  from 
my  army,  and  accord  him  liberty  to  serve  whom  he 
pleases."  What  things  may  not  be  worked  by  a 
falsehood  when  accepted  as  true  by  a  prince ! 
Without  reflecting  on  the  evil  that  might  accrue 
to  him,  the  prince  persisted  in  the  unjust  impres- 
sion made  upon  him.  Da,ud  Khan  received  this 
writing  at  the  city  of  Vehu  (Ochu,  perhaps  Dchh). 
Weeping  like  a  child,  so  that  it  was  pitiful  to  see 
him,  he  exclaimed :  "  It  seems  to  me  as  if  evil 
fortune  dogged  the  steps  of  Dara " ;  and  therewith 
he  departed. 

Learning  the  news,  Aurangzeb,  when  he  arrived  at 
the  city  of  Multan,  detached  a  force  in  pursuit  of  Dara, 
with  orders  to  capture  him  if  they  could  ;  they  were 
to  pursue  him  wherever  he  went.  Then  he  sent  an 


84     ARRIVAL    AT   THE    FORTRESS   OF   BHAKKAR 

affectionate  letter  to  Da,ud  Khan,  tempting  him  with 
very  high  pay— an  offer  which  was  accepted  on  con- 
dition that  he  should  not  be  ordered  to  take  up  arms 
against  Dara.  This  Aurangzeb  accorded,  and  treated 
him  with  great  consideration,  and  in  that  reign  he 
held  high  appointments. 

We  continued  our  marches,  suffering  somewhat 
from  failure  of  supplies,  and  several  times  from  want 
of  water.  We  passed  through  several  rough  woods, 
and  arrived  opposite  the  fortress  of  Bhakkar  in  the 
middle  of  the  treacherous  river  of  Sind,  thus  called 
after  the  union  at  this  place,  distant  one  hundred  and 
thirty  leagues  from  Multan  city,  of  seven  large  rivers, 
which  farther  on  I  will  tell  you  about.  There  we 
found  the  valiant  eunuch  Primavera  occupied  in  the 
disembarkation  of  the  big  guns  and  the  other  munitions 
for  the  said  fortress.  At  this  time  Dara  received  word 
that  Aurangzeb's  troops,  commanded  by  Bahadur 
Khan,  sent  in  pursuit  of  us,  had  already  arrived 
quite  near.  He  saw  that  he  could  not  resist  such  a 
strong  force ;  he  therefore  ordered,  with  all  possible 
haste,  two  thousand  selected  men— Pathans,  Sayyids, 
Mughals,  Rajputs— twenty-two  Europeans  of  different 
nationalities,  and  other  servants  to  occupy  the  said 
fortress.  The  command  was  given  to  the  eunuch 
Primavera.  The  remainder  of  the  army  was  ordered 
to  cross  with  the  same  haste  to  the  other  side  of  the 
river,  and  seize  all  the  boats  to  be  found  there,  in  order 
to  hinder  the  enemy's  crossing  at  that  point. 

When  I  knew  of  this  order  I  presented  myself  before 
Dara,  and  urgently  besought  him  to  take  me  along 
with  him.  With  words  of  exceeding  love  and  tender- 
ness, he  replied  that  he  longed  to  take  every  one  of  us 
with  him ;  but  it  was  of  the  greatest  importance  to 
him  to  make  sure  of  the  said  stronghold,  and  for  this 
reason  he  left  us  in  it,  having  such  great  reliance  upon 
our  valour  and  fidelity.  I  renewed  my  application, 
with  protestations  and  entreaties  added  to  tears,  indi- 
cations of  the  grief  I  felt  at  our  separation,  asking 


DARA   LEAVES  FOR  GUJARAT  85 

him  to  leave  all  the  rest  behind  and  take  me  along 
with  him.  Dara,  with  a  pleased  face,  repeated 
that  it  was  desirable  that  we  should  all  remain 
in  the  fortress,  seeing  that  the  place  was  of  the 
greatest  use  to  him  against  his  enemies,  that  in  it 
were  goods  which  he  held  as  dear  as  his  own 
person  ;  and,  using  other  words  of  much  affection, 
he  sent  me  off. 

I  was  overcome  with  tears  and  sighs  at  this  part- 
ing, and,  seeing  the  downcast  state  in  which  I  was 
quitting  the  presence,  he  called  me  back.  He  then 
made  me  captain  of  the  Europeans,  and  ordered  them 
to  give  me  five  thousand  rupees  to  divide  among  my 
men,  and  doubled  my  pay.  It  had  been  one  hundred 
and  fifty,  and  he  made  it  three  hundred  rupees.  He 
gave  me  his  word  that  if  God  made  him  king  he 
would  create  me  a  noble  of  his  court,  and  reward  my 
men,  in  whose  loyalty  he  had  much  confidence.  He 
added  the  present  of  a  "  serpao  "  (serapa],  and  directed 
that  I  should  receive  a  boat-load  of  Persian  and  Kabul 
wine.  He  recommended  me  earnestly  to  Primavera 
the  eunuch,  and  told  him  to  look  well  after  me  and 
my  men.  After  shedding  more  tears,  I  left,  and  went 
into  the  fortress  with  the  eunuch,  while  Dara  departed 
thence,  taking  all  the  boats.  Hardly  had  he  gone 
when  we  heard  the  drums  of  the  enemy,  and  the 
report  came  in  how  Aurangzeb  had  left  Multan  for 
the  Agrah  direction  in  the  greatest  haste,  in  the  fear 
that  Sulaiman  Shukoh  might  come  down  from  the 
mountains  of  Srinagar. 

After  he  had  sent  us  away  Dara  set  out  for  the 
port  of  Sindi  by  land,  ordering  all  the  boats  to 
assemble  at  that  place  for  his  departure.  Having 
reached  the  vicinity  of  that  port,  he  used  all  the  boats 
found  there  to  cross  the  river  to  the  town  of  Sindi. 
When  he  got  over,  he  ordered  all  the  boats  that 
could  be  found  to  be  collected,  so  that  by  this  means 
he  might  hinder  the  passage  of  the  enemy  then  in 
his  pursuit. 
7 


86  BHAKKAR   INVESTED 

[Dara  finally  reached  Gujarat,  and  took  possession 
of  the  chief  city,  Ahmadabad.] 

While  Dara  was  renewing  his  strength  in  the  pro- 
vince of  Gujarat,  the  enemy  began  a  most  vigorous 
investment  of  Bhakkar  fort,  where  we  were  shut  up 
along  with  the  loyal  and  valiant  eunuch  Primavera. 
No  one  could  get  out,  no  one  could  enter.  This 
fortress  is  in  the  middle  of  the  mighty  river  Sindi 
(Indus),  founded  upon  the  live  rock,  stones  from 
which  could  be  used  as  flints  for  muskets.  The  for- 
tress was  nine  hundred  and  seventy-five  paces  long, 
and  five  hundred  and  fifty-three  broad.  In  the  middle 
was  a  "  cavalier "  (tower)  overlooking  both  banks  of 
the  river.  On  the  east  was  a  large  town  called  Xaquer 
(Sakkar),  and  on  the  west  another  called  Rori ;  at  a 
short  distance  from  the  fort,  towards  the  north,  was  a 
little  island  known  as  Coia  Quitan  (Khwajah  Khidr), 
where  is  a  tomb  held  in  great  veneration  by  the  Moors 
(i.e.  Mahomedans). 

We  were  very  well  fortified,  provided  with  plenty 
of  artillery  and  munitions  of  war,  and  had  a  consider- 
able store  of  gold  and  silver,  precious  stones,  and  a 
great  deal  of  baggage.  In  addition  to  this,  Dara  left 
some  ladies  who  had  accompanied  him,  one  wife  of 
Sulaiman  Shukoh,  and  two  young  sons  much  cherished 
by  Dara  as  being  his  grandsons.  His  plan  was  that  if 
he  did  not  succeed  in  the  province  of  Gujarat  and 
suffered  defeat,  this  fortress  of  Bhakkar  would  serve  as 
a  base  to  help  him  again. 

After  a  few  days  of  investment  the  enemy  prepared 
two  batteries  mounted  with  cannon,  left  behind  by 
Dara  in  the  foundry  at  Lahor,  he  not  being  able  to 
move  them  owing  to  the  hurry  with  which  we  started, 
and  the  enemy  leaving  us  no  chance  of  putting  them 
on  the  boats.  With  these  they  did  us  a  good  deal  of 
damage.  Be  it  known  to  the  reader,  that  those  seven 
rivers  of  whose  junction  I  spoke  did  not  touch  the 
sides  of  the  fortress  for  more  than  a  pistol-shot  on  the 
west  and  two  musket-shots  on  the  east,  because  they 


BHAKKAR   INVESTED  87 

flowed  between  rocks  and  hills.  Thus  the  enemy  gave 
us  trouble  enough  ;  nor  did  we  desist  from  doing  our 
duty  with  our  guns,  dismounting  his  artillery,  damag- 
ing the  towns,  and  killing  a  number  of  men.  Several 
times  we  made  sallies  under  cover  of  our  artillery, 
swarming  into  their  trenches,  killing  and  destroying 
all  we  found  there.  Once  we  captured  four  field  pieces 
and  a  quantity  of  baggage  lying  close  by  them.  Thus 
the  traitor  Khaltlullah  Khan,  at  whose  cost  the  invest- 
ment was  conducted,  was  forced  to  send  more  men 
against  us.  Regardless  of  these  reinforcements,  the 
commandant,  Primavera,  sent  off  before  daybreak 
some  boats  with  musketeers,  who  delivered  attacks  at 
various  points  and  alarmed  the  enemy.  They  went  on 
increasing  the  investing  force  until  the  place  was 
evacuated,  as  farther  on  I  shall  relate. 

When  Aurangzeb  received  the  news  that  Dara  was 
busy  raising  a  new  army  in  the  province  of  Gujarat,  he 
did  not  turn  aside  to  attack  him.  It  was  more  urgent 
to  hinder  Shah  Shuja*  from  reaching  Agrah.  But  he 
was  much  concerned  on  learning  that  Sulaiman  Shukoh, 
by  favour  of  the  Rajah  of  Srinagar,  was  making  ready 
to  descend  from  the  mountains  ;  and  aided  by  the  said 
Rajah,  at  the  head  of  a  considerable  force,  hoped  to 
avenge  himself  for  what  had  happened  to  his  father 
(Dara)  and  himself.  Aurangzeb,  therefore,  wrote  a 
letter,  giving  many  promises  to  the  said  Rajah,  and 
also  caused  others  to  be  written  by  different  rajahs, 
chief  among  them  being  Rajah  Jai  Singh,  asking  the 
Srinagar  rajah  to  dissemble,  and  suggesting  that  by 
the  use  of  certain  arguments  he  should  force  the  poor 
prince  to  remain  quiet  in  those  mountains. 

In  that  fortress  (i.e.  Bhakkar)  we  remained,  under 
continual  assaults,  defending  ourselves  boldly.  In 
spite  of  all  their  efforts,  the  enemy  were  unable  by 
force  of  arms  to  overcome  us.  Therefore  they  planned 
a  means  of  getting  the  European  artillerymen  to  with- 
draw from  the  fortress,  and  to  this  end  they  shot 
arrows  to  which  letters  were  attached.  These  invited 


88        PRIMAVERA  AND    KHALILULLAH    KHAN 

us  to  abandon  the  service  of  Dara  and  evacuate  the 
place.  One  of  these  arrows  hit  me  on  the  shoulder 
when  I  was  sitting  in  my  bastion  at  eight  o'clock  at 
night.  Withdrawing  the  arrow,  I  went  with  it  at 
once,  wounded  as  I  was,  to  the  eunuch.  He  gave  me 
a  robe  (sarapa)  and  some  bottles  of  rose-water  in 
recognition  of  my  fidelity. 

Since  Aurangzeb  had  strongly  enjoined  on  Khalt- 
lullah  Khan  that  he  must  reduce  the  place  in  one  way 
or  another,  and  as  he  saw  that  he  could  not  do  so  by 
force  of  arms,  he  had  recourse  to  many  letters  contain- 
ing promises  to  our  eunuch  Primavera  (Basant)  that 
if  he  gave  over  the  fortress  his  demands  would  be 
gratified.  Enraged  at  length  at  the  receipt  of  so  many 
letters,  the  eunuch  wrote  to  Khalllullah  Khan  that  if 
he  would  come  in  person  he  would  enter  into  the 
desired  agreement ;  he  meant  to  surrender  the  place, 
as  he  perceived  that  Dara's  affairs  were  in  a  very  bad 
way.  Khalilullah  Khan  received  this  letter  with  great 
delight,  fancying  he  was  about  to  accomplish  great 
things  for  Aurangzeb,  who  was  so  keen  on  acquiring 
the  place.  He  started  from  Lahor  with  the  remainder 
of  his  army  to  bring  to  a  conclusion  the  anxiously 
desired  surrender.  On  his  arrival  a  truce  was  made 
between  the  two  sides.  Khalilullah  Khan  wrote  to  the 
eunuch  a  letter  full  of  civilities,  displaying  the  great 
results  to  be  gained  by  making  over  the  stronghold, 
whereby  he  would  be  taken  into  favour  by  Aurangzeb  ; 
in  fact,  in  so  delivering  it,  he  would  find  the  only  way 
to  fortune. 

Primavera  the  eunuch  was  quite  rejoiced  at  the 
arrival  of  Khalilullah  Khan,  and  decided  on  giving  him 
a  reply.  With  this  idea  he  sent  for  me,  and  ordered 
me  to  load  with  horns  and  old  shoes  the  cannon  nearest 
to  the  garden  where  Khalilullah  Khan  had  encamped. 
It  was  charged  thus  up  to  the  very  muzzle.  The 
answer  was  after  this  wise  :  "  I  hold  few  words  with 
you,  for  I  am  greatly  amazed  at  you,  and  I  hope  to 
supply  your  want,  having  been  all  your  life  a  pimp 


DEPARTURE   OF   KHALILULLAH    KHAN         89 

and  used  to  shoe  beatings  from  women.  Herewith 
what  you  deserve,  I  offer  you  a  present  proportioned 
to  your  merits."  The  letter  went  on  with  more  abuse, 
which  I  will  not  insert.  Closing  it  he  ordered  it  to  be 
handed  to  Khalilullah  Khan.  The  eunuch  watched  for 
the  arrival  of  the  boat  at  the  garden,  which  was  not 
far  from  the  fortress  ;  and  when  it  seemed  that  Khali- 
lullah Khan  must  be  perusing  the  letter,  he  ordered  us 
to  fire  off  the  cannon,  and  we  covered  Khalilullah 
Khan's  tent  with  the  charge  it  contained. 

The  traitor  was  thereby  much  shamed  and  discom- 
fited, not  knowing  how  to  hide  the  affront.  The 
following  night,  when  we  were  off  our  guard,  he 
suddenly  ordered  a  discharge  of  all  his  artillery  and 
musketry,  which  was  a  complete  surprise  to  us,  and 
the  shot  fell  all  over  the  fortress.  I  assert  without 
exaggeration  that  a  pole  on  which  we  had  a  small  flag 
was  pierced  by  three  balls.  But  our  eunuch  would 
not  pass  over  such-like  bravado,  and  the  next  night  he 
suddenly  ordered  us  to  fire  all  our  guns  and  musketry, 
and  discharge  a  number  of  iron  bombs  to  show  that  we 
had  ample  munitions  of  war.  This  took  place  at  eight 
o'clock.  To  prove  to  him  still  better  that  we  were  not 
afraid,  he  ordered  a  number  of  vessels  of  artificial  fire 
to  be  set  alight,  so  that  it  was  as  clear  as  day.  There- 
upon Khalilullah  Khan,  finding  that  he  could  not 
succeed,  turned  his  face,  discomfited,  towards  Lahor, 
and  left  us  invested  as  before. 

Forty  days  after  the  departure  of  Khalilullah  Khan, 
we  saw  one  morning  a  numerous  force  pass  over  the 
river  from  west  to  east  at  some  distance  from  the 
fortress.  Our  artillery  began  to  pound  them  as  hard 
as  it  could.  At  this  moment  a  horseman  appeared  on 
the  river  bank  with  a  small  white  flag  displayed.  At 
once  the  eunuch  gave  an  order  for  a  small  boat  to  fetch 
the  horseman.  On  his  entering  the  fortress  he  delivered 
a  letter  to  the  eunuch,  and  proclaimed  loudly  thus  :  "  I 
demand  on  behalf  of  Aurangzeb  that  you  surrender 
this  stronghold,  since  we  are  carrying  with  us  in  this 
7* 


90    DARA   ORDERS   PRIMAVERA  TO  SURRENDER 

army  the  Prince  Dara,  whom  we  have  a  prisoner." 
Hearing  this  sad  and  unexpected  news,  we  were  all 
cast  down,  and  dropped  our  arms.  The  eunuch  told 
the  horseman  he  could  not  make  over  the  place  without 
the  order  of  his  prince,  the  Lord  Dara,  from  whom  he 
had  received  charge.  The  messenger  went  away  with 
this  answer. 

Before  he  had  reached  the  farther  bank,  we  saw 
coming  seven  boats  full  of  armed  men  carrying  a 
number  of  flags.  Their  officer  was  called  Chegatcan 
(?  Chaghatae  Khan),  an  Dzbak  by  race  :  he  was  nighty 
elated,  as  if  entering  in  triumph  into  his  own  house. 
I  gave  an  order  to  my  men  to  get  their  guns  read}r, 
and  some  pieces  with  grape  (varrer,  literally,  "to  sweep 
with  a  broom  ").  When  they  had  already  got  near,  we 
gave  them  a  round  from  the  artillery,  which  did  a  good 
deal  of  damage,  both  to  the  boats  and  to  the  men. 
After  that  the}7  retreated,  while  our  artillery  went  on 
firing. 

Seeing  how  resolute  we  were,  Bahadur  Khan  repaired 
to  Prince  Dara,  and  requested  him  to  order  the  eunuch 
to  surrender  the  stronghold,  since,  the  garrison  being 
firm  in  their  resistance,  in  all  probability  the  whole  of 
them  would  come  to  a  miserable  end  within  the 
fortress.  On  hearing  this,  Dara  had  compassion  upon 
his  eunuch  and  upon  us,  and  wrote  a  note  with  his 
own  hand,  stating :  "  Unfortunate  in  the  one  for 
whom  you  fought,  I  now  request  and  require  you  to 
deliver  up  the  place." 

When  the  eunuch  Primavera  (Basant)  saw  the 
letter,  he  recognised  the  writing  and  began  to  weep 
bitterly.  He  wrote  to  Bahadur  Khan  that  we  de- 
manded to  come  out  with  our  baggage,  and  if  he  did 
not  consent,  we  would  fling  the  cannon  and  treasure 
into  the  river,  and  fight  to  the  death  with  all  despera- 
tion. Bahadur  Khan  sent  back  an  assurance  that  we 
could  leave  with  our  baggage,  but  must  make  over  the 
treasure,  the  princes,  and  all  the  materiel  appertaining 
to  the  fortress.  One  condition  was  imposed :  we 


' 
EVACUATION   OF   BHAKKAR  91 

must  cross  over  to  the  west  of  the  river,  then  eight 
days  after  he  had  marched  we  could  take  the  road  to 
Dihli.  He  made  this  condition  because  he  feared  we 
might  enter  his  camp,  and  do  our  utmost  to  rescue 
Dara.  After  three  days  we  issued  from  the  fort  in 
which  we  had  endured  so  much.  For,  two  days  before 
the  evacuation,  I  bought  two  calves  for  six  hundred 
rupees,  and  paid  one  rupee  for  every  ounce  of  butter. 
Without  exaggerating,  I  bought  one  chicken  for 
thirteen  rupees. 

The  army  of  Bahadur  Khan  passed  out  of  sight  of 
Bhakkar  with  their  princely  prisoner. 

Now  I  deal  with  our  departure  from  Bhakkar. 
After  surrendering  the  fortress  we  made  over  the 
treasure  and  the  unhappy  princes,  the  little  sons  of 
Sulaiman  Shukoh,  of  whom  nothing  more  was  ever 
heard,  and  it  seems  as  if,  by  order  of  Aurangzeb,  they 
were  got  rid  of  within  the  fortress.  After  fifteen  days 
the  eunuch  and  all  the  people  in  the  fort  embarked  in 
some  boats,  and  we  voyaged  "by  the  river  to  Multan 
against  the  stream,  but  with  a  favourable  wind.  In 
four-and-twenty  days  we  reached  the  said  city,  then 
governed  by  Lascar  Can  (Lashkar  Khan).  He  sent  an 
invitation  to  our  eunuch  to  honour  him  by  dining  at 
his  house.  But  the  eunuch  replied  that  he  would 
have  liked  it  much,  but  the  haste  he  was  in  did  not 
allow  of  his  accepting.  He  suspected  some  treachery, 
and  it  seems  as  if  his  heart  gave  him  a  presage  of 
what  was  to  befall  him,  as  1  shall  relate. 

At  this  city  of  Multan  we  provisioned  ourselves  for* 
a  start  by  land  to  the  city  of  Dihli,  distant  five-and- 
twenty  days'  journey.  One  day  a  Portuguese,  by 
name  Agostinho  Bias,  begged  me  to  abandon  the 
company  of  the  eunuch,  because  he  knew  of  a  certainty 
that  there  existed  an  order  of  Aurangzeb  for  his 
seizure  and  execution.  We  quitted  Multan,  and  in  ten 
days  reached  the  city  of  Lahor,  then  governed  by 
Khaltlullah  Khan.  Our  eunuch  settled  himself  in  a 
house  of  his  own,  which  was  on  the  river  bank.  His 


92  AT   LAHOR 

men  scattered  in  various  directions,  there  not  being 
enough  room  in  the  said  house.  We  Europeans  were 
at  a  distance  of  half  a  mile  from  Primavera  (Basant). 

On  the  third  day  after  our  arrival  he  (Basant)  sent 
for  me,  but  I  did  not  go,  as  it  was  already  evening. 
By  another  messenger  he  told  me  to  come  to  him  very 
early  in  the  morning.  At  daybreak  I  mounted  my 
horse,  and  on  the  road  1  met  a  former  servant  of  mine 
called  Delavar  (Dilawar),  who  asked  me  where  I  was 
going.  I  replied  that  I  was  going  to  the  eunuch's 
house.  At  this  he  fell  into  a  fright,  and  said  that  for 
God's  sake  I  must  not  go.  For  everybody  said  that 
the  eunuch  would  most  certainly  be  killed  on  that  day, 
and  I  could  easily  notice  the  changes  in  the  city,  the 
soldiers  and  troopers  being  posted  at  so  many  places. 
He  demanded  with  much  insistence  that  I  should  turn 
back ;  and  reflecting  a  little,  I  remembered  the  advice 
of  Agostinho  Bias.  In  spite  of  this  the  love  and  grati- 
tude I  felt  for  the  eunuch  impelled  me  to  go  to  his 
house  without  considering  the  danger. 

Pricking  on  my  steed,  I  shortly  reached  the  house. 
Going  within  I  sat  down  by  Khojah  Basant,  finding 
him  somewhat  perturbed,  and  a  few  only  in  his  com- 
pany. He  said  to  me  softly  that  he  had  something  to 
say  to  me.  At  this  moment  there  appeared  in  the 
distance  several  bodies  of  horse  with  banners  dis- 
played. All  of  a  sudden  there  came  a  horseman  to 
the  eunuch,  and,  addressing  him  politely,  said : 
"  Khalilullah  Khan  sends  many  compliments  to  Your 
Excellency,  and  intimates  that  he  has  received  the 
king's  order  for  Your  Excellency  to  come  forthwith 
into  the  city,  to  a  house  already  prepared  for  you 
where  you  may  remain  in  perfect  safety ! " 

With  equal  civility  the  eunuch  replied  :  "  I  am  only 
a  passer-by ;  I  go  to  the  royal  presence,  nor  have  I 
anything  to  do  with  the  city  ;  I  return  many  thanks 
for  Khalilullah  Khan's  kindness."  The  messenger 
started  off  with  the  reply,  and  the  eunuch,  seeing  the 
troops  that  were  appearing,  became  a  little  frightened. 


PRIMAVERA   IN   DANGER  93 

He  asked  me  if  I  could  produce  my  men  without  de- 
lay. I  replied  that  there  must  be  some  delay,  and  that 
they  could  not  arrive  in  time,  owing  to  their  being  so 
far  away.  At  this  point  the  soldiers  present  in  the 
room,  after  whispering  into  each  other's  ears,  rose 
one  by  one  and  went  out.  I  remained  seated  along 
with  ten  persons,  who  were  house  servants,  and,  fore- 
seeing the  danger,  I  was  anxious  to  leave,  but  the 
pride  of  a  youth  devoid  of  experience  hindered  me,  and 
I  wanted  to  see  the  end  of  it  and  what  would  happen. 

Then  came  another  message  like  the  first,  but  more 
urgent,  with  this  detail :  that  if  he  did  not  give  heed 
to  it,  he  ran  in  danger  of  his  life.  But  the  eunuch 
gave  the  same  answer,  and  the  infantry  and  cavalry 
continued  to  draw  in  nearer.  During  this  time  the 
eunuch  was  looking  on  calmly  at  all  that  was  taking 
place  outside,  for  the  place  where  we  were  was  a 
little  elevated,  with  a  view  of  the  river  sands.  It  had 
the  shade  of  some  great  trees,  and  was  enclosed  all 
round  with  a  low  wall.  On  the  bank  of  the  river, 
near  the  wall  and  below  our  position,  stood  a  relation 
of  the  eunuch  Primavera  (Basant)  on  horseback, 
lance  in  rest,  waiting  to  give  up  his  life  if  need 
arose. 

When  a  third  message  came  with  greater  urgency, 
begging  the  eunuch  for  God's  sake  to  come  into  the 
fort  in  obedience  to  the  king's  orders,  adding  the 
intimation  that  it  was  his  last  warning,  he  answered 
not  at  all. 

We  saw  the  messenger  start  off  at  a  run,  and  it  was 
no  joking  matter,  for  the  cavalry  continued  to  advance, 
and  drawing  their  swords  shouted  to  the  messenger, 
who  heard  not  through  the  uproar  that  had  already 
arisen.  The  house  was  encircled  by  a  number  of 
infantry,  while  on  the  river  sands  several  squadrons 
rode  from  different  directions,  discharging  arrows 
that  fell  like  rain  in  the  place  where  we  were.  The 
cavalier  related  to  the  eunuch,  finding  that  the  thing 
was  serious,  began  to  skirmish,  pushing  his  horse  at 


94  PRIMAVERA   KILLED 

those  squadrons,  with  his  lance  at  the  charge,  until 
he  got  stuck  in  a  marshy  place  full  of  mire,  where, 
unable  to  move,  he  was  killed  by  the  arrows. 

The  infantry  tried  to  scale  the  wall,  but  we  defended 
ourselves,  and  prevented  them  from  climbing  over. 
Among  others  we  killed  the  kotwal's  son,  whereat 
being  enraged  they  set  upon  us  with  greater  fury, 
and  one  resolute  man  leapt  over  behind  the  eunuch 
and  at  once  cut  off  his  head.  Primavera  (Basant)  had 
been  resisting  vigorously  on  the  other  side.  Many 
more  scrambled  over,  and  began  to  cut  down  the  few 
of  us  found  here  and  there.  The  man  that  cut  off  the 
eunuch's  head  and  some  others  came  against  me  with 
great  rage,  and,  seeing  that  our  defence  was  overcome, 

I  went  straight  to  them,  and  throwing  my  sword  on 
the  ground,  stepped  two  paces  to  the  front.     Placing 
myself  humbly  before  them,  I  lowered  my  head,  and 
said :  "  Slay  me,  slay  me,"  and  shutting  my  eyes  I 
awaited  the  blow.     But  finding  it  did  not  come,  I  lifted 
my  head,  and  saw  a  soldier  of  the  same  troop  of  the 
enemy  standing  between  us   two.     With   hands  ex- 
tended he  was  begging  on  behalf  of  God  that  they 
should  not  kill  me.     But  the  other  most  angrily,  his 
raised  sword  dripping  with  blood,  ordered  him  to  get 
out  of  the  way.     He  who  was  pleading  for  me  said  : 

II  First  kill  me,  and  spare  this  other."     My  assailant, 
seeing  the  determination  of  his  fellow-soldier,  went 
off  to  find  someone  else,  and  left  me  alone.     He  who 
saved  me  took  me  by  the  hand,  and  led  me  away, 
saying :  "  Come  with  me ;  I  want  to  deliver  you,  and 
place  you  in  safety."     But  I,  knowing  the  instability 
of  the  Mahomedans,  said  to  him  that  as  he  wanted 
to  kill  me  he  need  practise  no  deception  on  me.    As 
I  was  ready  for  my  fate,  there  was  no  need  to  remove 
me  from  that  place ;  but  if  he  wanted  to  kill  me  he 
could  do  it  where  we  were.     Seeing  what  was  in  my 
mind,  he  sheathed  his  sword,  and  gave  me  his  word 
not  to  hurt  me,  but  at  the  cost  of  his  life  would  prevent 
others  doing  so,  and  take  me  to  a  place  of  safety. 


MANUCCI   ESCAPES   NAKED  95 

We  came  forth  by  a  postern  gate,  where  we  saw 
some  thirty  men  with  swords  in  their  hands,  who 
came  at  me,  saying :  "  Let  us  kill  him  ;  he,  too,  is  of 
the  eunuch's  force."  The  man  with  me  then  laid  one 
arm  upon  me,  and,  waving  the  other  hand,  demanded 
in  the  king's  name  that  they  should  not  kill  me,  nor 
lay  hands  on  me.  But  they  were  keen  to  plunder 
me,  and  told  him  that  he  had  become  my  advocate 
simply  to  strip  me  himself;  but  grieve  him  as  it  might 
they  meant  to  kill  me,  and  appropriate  my  clothes. 
Recognising  their  purpose  and  seeing  them  approach, 
I  took  off  my  turban  there  and  then,  and  the  rest  of 
my  vestments,  being  left  with  nothing  but  my  under 
drawers  and  my  shirt.  I  threw  the  clothes  to  them, 
and  my  defender  conducted  me  a  little  farther ;  then 
he  said  I  might  go  on  in  security,  as  I  was  now  out 
of  danger.  But  just  as  I  imagined  I  was  free  there 
came  towards  me  a  soldier,  a  Hindu  rustic,  holding 
a  drawn  sword,  who,  with  many  abusive  terms  and 
threats,  requested  me  to  make  over  my  shirt  to  him. 
Enraged  at  finding  myself  amidst  so  much  persecution 
and  so  many  affronts,  I  said  that  he  might  kill  me  if 
he  liked,  but  that  I  would  never  give  him  the  shirt. 

Overwhelming  him  with  abuse,  I  provided  him  with 
cause  for  dispatching  me,  but  he  did  not  want  to 
damage  the  shirt,  so  he  allowed  me  to  live.  In  the 
end  I  decided  to  give  up  the  shirt,  so  I  took  it  off, 
in  a  rage,  rather  than  lose  my  life.  With  my  head 
sunk  I  went  on  my  way,  running  considerable  danger, 
although  stripped  naked,  and  full  of  grief  and  shame. 
I  sought  the  house  of  one  of  my  friends,  a  professing 
Mahomedan,  whose  name  was  Dulah  (?  Dulha),  a  man 
of  learning,  from  whom  I  had  received  much  kindness. 
On  my  way  a  woman  met  me,  and  offered  me  a  sheet 
with  which  to  cover  myself,  saying  that  when  I  got 
home  I  could  send  it  back  to  her.  But,  not  willing 
to  be  indebted  to  her,  I  declined,  and  went  on  1113' 
way  in  the  same  pitiable  state.  When  I  was  only  a 
little  distance  from  my  friend's  house  I  saw  coming 


96  MANUCCI    REPORTED   DEAD 

towards  me  the  captain  of  infantry  whose  teeth  I  had 
broken  with  a  stone.  He  recognised  me,  but  took 
compassion  on  my  plight,  and  lowering  his  head  made 
no  attempt  to  do  me  harm.  Thence  in  a  few  more 
steps  I  got  into  the  house  of  my  friend  Dulha,  to 
whom  I  recounted  all  that  had  happened  to  me.  He 
welcomed  me  with  great  warmth,  accorded  me  full 
rights  of  hospitality,  and  gave  me  clothes  and  food. 
1  did  not  forget  to  render  thanks  to  God  for  all  His 
mercies,  and  for  deliverance  from  so  many  perils. 

This  affair  happened  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  da}', 
and  my  servants  removed  my  horse  to  where  my  men 
were,  and  gave  them  the  melancholy  news  of  my 
death.  All  my  friends  were  much  afflicted ;  and  they 
sent  off  one  of  their  number,  called  Ignacio  Gomens, 
the  one  best  liked  by  and  most  intimate  with  me,  to 
the  site  of  the  affray  to  make  a  search  for  my  body. 
They  instructed  him  to  bring  it  back  so  that  they 
all  jointly  might  inter  me  in  some  convenient  spot, 
and  commend  my  soul  to  God,  seeing  that  there  was 
no  priest.  Thus  we  were  used  to  do  when  any  of 
our  friends  died.  All  of  them  said,  and  were  quite 
certain,  that  I  must  be  dead.  On  arriving  at  the  place 
of  death  Ignacio  Gomens  found  eleven  bodies  with 
the  eunuch's  headless  trunk.  The  head  had  been 
carried  away  to  lay  before  Khalilullah  Khan,  who  was 
eager  to  satisfy  his  wrath  and  avenge  himself  for  the 
indignity  that  had  been  done  him.  Ignacio  Gomens 
came  back,  and  reported  what  he  had  seen,  and  that 
my  body  was  not  forthcoming.  My  friends  supposed 
that  after  my  death  the  Mahomedans  had,  without  a 
doubt,  thrown  me,  a  Christian,  into  the  river.  So 
they  decided  they  would  all  go  the  next  day  in  search 
of  my  body,  and  give  it  burial.  But  I,  through  God's 
favour,  was  still  alive. 

At  six  in  the  evening  I  left  the  house  of  my  friend 
Dulha,  and  took  my  road  to  the  place  where  my 
followers  were,  with  much  quietness,  rendering  thanks 
to  our  Lord.  On  arriving  close  to  them  1  knew  them 


MANUCCI   GOES   TO   DIHLl  97 

all,  but  they  did  not  recognise  me,  although  they 
looked  at  me.  Then  all  of  a  sudden  I  gave  a  shout, 
whereupon  they  knew  my  voice,  and  came  running 
with  open  arms  towards  me,  unable  to  utter  a  word 
by  reason  of  exceeding  joy.  They  all  began  to  weep 
with  content,  and  after  a  rest  I  related  in  detail  all 
that  had  happened  to  me  on  that  day,  and  how 
God,  out  of  His  infinite  compassion,  had  been  my 
deliverer. 

The  following  day  we  received  a  message  from 
Khalilullah  Khan  directing  us  to  proceed  to  court 
to  the  king's  presence,  where  we  should  be  well 
received.  By  this  we  were  made  very  contented. 
With  us  he  sent  a  captain  and  thirty  troopers,  and 
in  their  train  we  reached  in  eight  days  the  town  of 
Cerend  (Sihrind),  which  means  "  Head  of  India,"  as 
it  divides  the  province  of  Lahor  from  Hindustan. 
Before  our  entry  into  the  town  we  saw,  in  a  field 
a  little  apart  from  the  gate,  some  fifteen  corpses. 
Asking  whose  they  were,  they  replied,  that  they 
were  those  of  Jiwan  Khan  and  his  relations  and 
servants.  After  making  over  to  Aurangzeb  at  Dihlf 
the  Prince  Dara,  they  had  received  this  reward.  That 
same  king  gave  orders  to  the  governor  of  the  fortress 
of  Sihrind  that  when  Jiwan  Khan  and  his  men  should 
arrive  on  their  way  to  their  home,  he  should  have 
them  stoned  in  this  field  by  all  the  populace,  and 
thus  both  be  rewarded  and  slain  (a  most  fitting 
chastisement  for  his  ingratitude).  This  gave  us  all 
great  pleasure,  and  the  Mahomedans  themselves 
uttered  a  thousand  curses  over  the  corpse  of  Jiwan 
Khan. 

From  this  town  (Sihrind)  we  went  on  towards  the 
court,  and  arrived  at  Dihl!  in  seven  days,  where  we 
learnt  that  the  king  was  much  affected  by  the  death 
of  our  eunuch,  Primavera  (Basant),  his  orders  having 
been  to  seize,  but  not  to  kill  him.  But  Khalilullah 
Khan  excused  this  excess,  writing  to  the  king  that 
his  death  was  necessary  because  it  was  known  that 


98     MANUCCI   REFUSES   TO   SERVE   AURANGZEB 

he  meant  to  go  into  the  Srinagar  territory,  where 
Prince  Sulaiman  Shukoh  was,  taking  with  him  two 
thousand  fighting  men,  hardy  troops,  and  the  best 
of  the  Europeans  that  Dara  had  left  in  the  fortress  of 
Bhakkar.  Without  doubt  if  the  eunuch  had  obtained 
free  passage  we  should  all  have  gone  to  find  Prince 
Sulaiman  Shukoh. 

After  three  days  we  were  presented  to  Aurangzeb. 
He  was  very  anxious  for  us  to  enter  his  service, 
recognising  the  fidelity  and  valour  with  which  we 
had  served  Dara,  and  that  among  his  own  people 
he  could  not  meet  with  such  fidelity  and  stubborn- 
ness. Therefore,  he  now  fixed  four  rupees  a  day 
for  every  European  and  for  me  five.  My  companions 
accepted  his  service,  but  I  did  not  wish  to  do  so, 
through  the  antipathy  I  had  to  him,  and  the  point 
of  honour  I  cherished,  of  not  serving  under  the 
murderer  of  my  master.  I  communicated  my  non- 
acceptance  of  employment.  He  caused  me  to  be 
sent  for  once  more,  and  asked  why  I  did  not  accept 
service  with  him  ;  did  I  want  higher  pay  than  he 
offered  ?  But  I  replied  to  him  that  I  would  willingly 
enter  his  employ,  but  I  longed  to  return  to  my  native 
land,  years  having  elapsed  in  absence  from  it ;  and 
thus  he  allowed  me  to  leave. 


PART    II 

[Although  Manucci  had  refused  to  take  service  with  Aurangzeb,  he 
did  not  at  once  leave  Dihti,  and  we  next  find  him  acting  the  part 
of  a  physician.] 

THE  ENVOY  FROM  BALKH  AND  His  SUITE  (1661-1662) 

IT  happened  that  a  relation  of  the  envoy  fell  ill,  and, 
imagining  that  I  was  a  physician,  as  they  suppose  all 
Europeans  to  be,  they  called  me  to  their  house. 

I  knew  a  few  secrets,  but  I  did  not  give  myself  out 
as  a  physician,  nor  was  1  bold  enough  to  teach  myself 
medicine  at  the  expense  of  others'  lives.  But  seeing 
that  these  savages  had  sent  for  me  to  their  house, 
I  was  anxious  to  see  how  they  lived.  I  proceeded 
with  great  solemnity  to  the  spot.  When  I  had  gone 
in  I  found  the  patient  on  a  very  dirty  bed.  I 
felt  his  pulse,  but  my  thoughts  were  not  given  to 
the  pulse,  but  to  finding  something  I  could  seize  on 
in  the  difficulty  to  effect  a  good  recovery.  Never- 
theless I  ascertained  that  he  was  in  a  high  fever, 
and  placing  my  hand  upon  his  head,  bathed  in 
malodorous  perspiration,  I  found  it  was  burning 
hot,  like  a  pot  placed  upon  the  fire.  To  induce  him 
to  believe  that  I  was  a  great  physician,  I  asked  the 
patient's  age,  and  then  for  a  time  I  assumed  a  pensive 
attitude,  as  if  I  were  seeking  for  the  cause  of  the 
illness.  Next,  as  is  the  fashion  with  doctors,  I  said 
some  words  making  out  the  attack  to  be  very  grave. 
This  was  done  in  order  not  to  lose  my  reputation  and 
credit  if  he  came  to  die. 

99 


ioo        MANUCCI   AS   M&DECIN   MALGR&  LUI 

All  of  them  were  in  a  state  of  admiration,  saying 
among  themselves  that  I  was  a  great  physician,  and 
that  the  Franks  had  received  from  heaven  the  gift  of 
being  accomplished  doctors.  The  principal  envoy 
prayed  me  earnestly  to  put  forth  all  my  powers  to 
cure  this  relation  of  his.  I  held  out  to  him  good 
hope  of  a  cure,  and,  being  unable  to  stay  more  in 
the  place  owing  to  the  smell,  I  told  them  I  was 
going  home  to  prepare  medicine,  and  that  in  the 
evening  I  would  return  once  more. 

I  came  out,  and  repaired  to  a  friend  of  mine  called 
Joao  de  Souza,  a  Portuguese,  who  was  under  an 
obligation  to  me,  and  recounted  to  him  all  that  had 
passed.  As  he  had  considerable  acquaintance  with 
medicine,  he  was  much  astonished  at  such  a  report, 
and  did  not  know  what  to  prescribe  for  the  patient. 
Still,  he  delivered  to  me  some  pills.  For  three  days 
1  went  on  with  these,  giving  them  to  the  sick  man, 
who  did  not  seem  to  me  to  be  improving.  But  all 
the  men  assured  me  that  he  was  recovering,  whereat 
I  rejoiced  much.  I  seized  the  opening  to  still  more 
cry  up  the  medicine  and  dwell  on  the  danger  of  the 
disease.  Twice  a  day  I  visited  the  patient,  once  in 
the  morning  and  once  in  the  evening.  Each  time  four 
horsemen  arrived  to  escort  me. 

Almost  every  day  that  I  went  there  I  was  obliged 
to  dine  with  the  envoy,  and  I  thus  had  the  chance  of 
observing  their  mode  of  eating.  Over  fifty  persons 
seated  themselves  together  round  the  cloth  ;  the  food 
was  flesh  of  camels  and  horses  cooked  with  salt  water, 
and  some  dishes  of  puldo  of  goat's  flesh.  The  cloth, 
spread  upon  a  carpet,  was  very  dirty.  To  wait  on 
us  were  two  men  with  bare  feet,  who,  walking  upon 
the  cloth,  distributed  the  food,  each  with  a  big  spoon 
in  his  hand. 

It  was  disgusting  to  see  how  these  Uzbak  nobles 
ate,  smearing  their  hands,  lips,  and  faces  with  grease 
while  eating,  they  having  neither  forks  nor  spoons. 
The  only  implements  each  had  on  him  were  three 


THE  TREATMENT   SUCCESSFUL  101 

or  four  knives,  large  and  small,  which  they  usually 
carry  hanging  from  their  waist-belt.  Mahomedans 
are  accustomed  to  wash  their  hands  after  eating  with 
pea-flour  to  remove  grease,  and  most  carefully  clean 
their  moustaches.  But  the  Uzbak  nobles  do  not 
stand  on  such  ceremony.  When  they  have  done 
eating  they  lick  their  fingers,  so  as  not  to  lose  a  grain 
of  rice  ;  they  rub  one  hand  against  the  other  to  warm 
the  fat,  and  then  pass  both  hands  over  face,  mous- 
taches, and  beard.  He  is  most  lovely  who  is  most 
greasy.  They  render  thanks  to  God  with  "  Alaham 
dilaha  "  (Al-hamdu-l'illahi).  Each  man  then  begins  to 
take  tobacco,  and  remains  for  a  time  talking.  The 
conversation  hardly  gets  beyond  the  talk  of  fat,  with 
complaints  that  in  the  Mogul  territory  they  cannot 
get  anything  fat  to  eat,  and  that  the  puldos  are  de- 
ficient in  butter.  As  a  salute  to  their  repletion, 
they  emit  loud  eructations,  just  like  the  bellowing 
of  bulls. 

Although  against  my  will,  I  went  on  with  my  treat- 
ment of  the  sick  man,  and  I  found  out  by  questioning 
the  kind  of  food  eaten  by  him  when  at  home.  He 
told  me  that,  being  a  shepherd,  he  lived  on  camel's 
milk,  and  ate  much  cheese  and  curds  made  when  milk 
turns  sour.  I  ordered  him  to  eat  what  he  ate  in  his 
own  country.  Continuing  with  some  tonic  extract  of 
coral,  I  restored  him  to  health  in  five  days,  and  the 
envoy  was  so  pleased  that  he  made  me  a  present  of 
nine  melons  and  a  quantity  of  dried  fruit.  He  en- 
treated me  to  continue  in  his  house,  and  did  all  he 
could  think  of  to  persuade  me  to  go  with  him,  promis- 
ing to  procure  for  me  from  the  King  of  Balkh 
lands  and  herds  of  horses  and  camels  and  flocks  of 
sheep.  He  said  I  should  be  highly  esteemed  by  the 
king  and  all  the  court. 

I  was  very  anxious  to  join   his   suite,  as  a  means 

of  seeing  more  of  the  world  ;  but,  as  their  habits  did 

not   please   me,   I  made   excuses   many  times  that   I 

should  never  get   accustomed   to  their   way   of  life. 

8 


102       AURANGZEB'S  MARCH  TO  KASHMIR  (?1662) 

Above  all,  I  had  seen  once  one  of  their  Uzbak 
soldiers  lay  hold  of  a  small  knife  and  bleed  his  horse 
on  the  neck  with  great  dexterity.  Having  drawn 
forty  ounces  of  blood,  he  closed  the  wound  with  one 
finger  and  drank  the  blood  with  great  gusto.  After 
he  was  satisfied,  he  shared  the  rest  with  his  com- 
panions, who  came  hurriedly,  each  trying  to  be  first, 
like  so  many  famished  wolves.  Afterwards  the  wound 
was  tied  up  with  a  cloth,  and  the  horse  left  to  get  well 
by  itself.  I  asked  why  he  drank  his  horse's  blood.  He 
replied  that  they  were  accustomed  to  it,  because  in 
their  country,  when  plundering  within  an  enemy's 
boundary,  if  provisions  failed  their  soldiers  sustained 
life  with  the  blood  of  their  horses ;  nor  by  this 
blood-letting  did  the  horses  lose  their  vigour.  In 
addition  to  this,  he  told  me  it  was  their  habit, 
when  they  captured  any  camel,  horse,  or  sheep  in 
an  enemy's  country,  if  they  were  unable  to  carry 
it  off,  to  decapitate  it,  cut  it  into  pieces,  and  place 
some  between  their  saddle  and  their  horse's  back 
for  consumption  on  the  march  whenever  they  were 
hungry. 

THE  ROYAL  MARCH 

On  the  seventh  day,  at  three  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
the  march  began.  First  went  the  heavy  artillery,  which 
always  marches  in  front,  and  is  drawn  up  as  an 
avenue  through  which  to  enter  the  next  camp  ;  with 
it  went  a  handsome  boat  upon  a  large  car,  to  ferry  the 
royal  person  across  any  river  when  necessary ;  then 
followed  the  baggage.  In  this  way,  when  morning 
broke,  the  camp  was  free,  leaving  only  the  cavalry 
and  infantry,  each  in  its  appropriate  position.  With 
the  rest,  in  addition  to  the  other  transport,  went  two 
hundred  camels  loaded  with  silver  rupees,  and  each 
camel  carrying  four  hundred  and  eighty  pounds'  weight 
of  silver;  one  hundred  camels  loaded  with  gold  coin, 
each  carrying  the  same  weight ;  and  one  hundred 


THE   ROYAL   KITCHEN  103 

and   fifty  camels,   loaded  with   nets  used  in   hunting 
tigers. 

The  royal  office  of  record  was  also  there,  for  the 
original  records  always  accompany  the  court ;  and  this 
required  eighty  camels,  thirty  elephants,  and  twenty 
carts  loaded  with  the  registers  and  papers  of  account 
of  the  empire.  In  addition  to  these,  there  were  fifty 
camels  carrying  water,  each  camel  bearing  two  full 
metal  vessels  for  the  royal  use.  The  princes  of  the 
blood  royal  marched  in  the  same  fashion,  each  accord- 
ing to  his  rank.  Attending  on  the  king  are  eight 
mules  carrying  small  tents,  which  are  used  on  the 
march  when  the  king  desires  to  rest,  or  to  eat  a  little 
something,  or  for  any  particular  necessity.  Along 
with  them  are  two  mules  carrying  clothes,  and  one 
mule  loaded  with  essences  of  various  odoriferous 
flowers. 

It  is  the  custom  of  the  court,  when  the  king  is  to 
march  the  next  day,  that  at  ten  o'clock  of  the  night 
the  royal  kitchen  should  start.  It  consists  of  fifty 
camels  loaded  with  supplies,  and  fifty  well-fed  cows 
to  give  milk.  Also  there  are  sent  dainties  in  charge 
of  cooks,  from  each  one  of  whom  the  preparation  of 
only  one  dish  is  required.  For  this  department  there 
is  an  official  of  standing,  whose  business  it  is  to  send 
in  the  dishes  sealed  up  in  bags  of  Malacca  velvet, 
et  cetera  ;  and  two  hundred  culles  (qulis\  each  with  his 
basket  of  chinaware  and  other  articles ;  further,  there 
are  fifty  camels  carrying  one  hundred  cases  packed 
with  sardpd  (robes  of  honour) ;  also  thirty  elephants 
loaded  with  special  arms  and  jewels  to  be  distributed 
among  the  generals,  captains,  et  cetera.  These  arms 
are  of  the  following  kinds  :  swords,  with  their  accoutre- 
ments, shields ;  various  kinds  of  daggers,  all  worked 
in  enamel  and  in  gold,  adorned  with  precious  stones ; 
plumes ;  also  things  to  give  to  ladies,  jewels  to  wear 
on  the  breast,  and  other  varieties  ;  also  armlets  of  gold, 
mounted  with  pearls  and  diamonds.  Again,  there 
march  close  to  the  baggage  one  thousand  labourers, 


104  DETAILS   OF   THE   ROYAL   MARCH 

with  axes,  mattocks,  spades,  and  pick-axes  to  clear 
any  difficult  passage.  Their  commanders  ride  on 
horseback,  carrying  in  their  hands  their  badges  of 
office,  which  are  either  an  axe  or  a  mattock  in  silver. 
On  arriving  at  the  place  appointed  for  the  royal  halt, 
they  put  up  their  tents  and  place  in  position  the 
heavy  artillery.  When  the  light  artillery  comes  up, 
it  is  placed  round  the  royal  tents.  Aurangzeb  started 
at  six  o'clock  of  the  day,  seated  on  the  throne  pre- 
sented to  him  by  the  Dutch,  as  I  have  stated.  To 
carry  this  throne  there  were  twelve  men  ;  in  addition, 
there  were  three  palanquins  of  different  shapes,  into 
which  he  could  get  when  he  pleased.  There  were 
also  five  elephants  with  different  litters  (cherollas)  for 
his  own  use  whenever  he  desired.  Upon  his  issuing 
from  his  tents  the  light  artillery  began  the  march  from 
its  position  round  them.  It  was  made  up  of  one 
hundred  field  pieces,  each  drawn  by  two  horses. 

The  following  is  the  order  of  the  king's  march :  At 
the  time  when  he  mounted  the  throne  and  issued  from 
his  tents  all  the  warlike  instruments  of  music  were 
sounded.  At  the  head  came  the  son  of  the  deceased 
Shekh  Mir  with  eight  thousand  cavaliers.  In  the 
right  wing  was  Assenalican  (Hasan  'Alt  Khan),  son  of 
Alaberdican  (Allahwird!  Khan).  This  is  the  Allah- 
wird!  Khan  who  caused  Prince  Shah  Shuja*  to  get 
down  from  his  elephant  at  the  battle  of  Khajwah. 
Hasan  'Alt  Khan  commanded  eight  thousand  horse- 
men; the  left  wing,  consisting  of  eight  thousand 
horsemen,  was  commanded  by  Muhammad  Amln 
Khan.  In  the  rear  of  these  two  wings  were  the 
mounted  huntsmen,  each  with  his  bird  of  prey  (hawk) 
on  his  wrist.  Immediately  in  front  of  the  king  went 
nine  elephants  with  showy  flags,  behind  these  nine 
were  other  four,  bearing  green  standards  with  a 
sun  depicted  on  them.  Behind  these  elephants  were 
nine  horses  of  state,  all  adorned  and  ready  saddled, 
after  these  horses  came  two  horsemen,  one  carrying 
a  standard  with  Arabic  letters  on  it,  the  other  with  a 


DETAILS   OF  THE   ROYAL   MARCH  105 

kettledrum,  which  he  struck  lightly  from  time  to  time 
as  a  warning  that  the  king  was  approaching. 

There  was  no  want  of  men  on  foot,  who  advanced 
in  ordered  files  on  the  one  and  the  other  side  of  the 
king ;  some  displayed  scarlet,  others  green,  pennants  ; 
others,  again,  held  in  their  hands  their  staves,  with 
which  they  drove  off  the  people  when  anyone  made 
so  bold  as  to  draw  near.  There  were  on  the  right 
and  left  many  horsemen  with  silver  staves  keeping 
the  people  back.  Among  the  men  on  foot  were  some 
with  perfumes,  while  others  were  continually  watering 
the  road. 

By  their  side  was  an  official  provided  with  a  descrip- 
tion of  the  provinces,  lands,  and  villages  through 
which  the  king  must  pass,  in  order  to  explain  at  once 
if  the  king  asked  what  land  and  whose  province  it 
was  through  which  he  was  then  passing.  These  men 
can  give  him  an  account  of  everything  down  to  the 
petty  villages,  and  the  revenue  obtained  from  the  land. 

Other  men  march  with  a  rope  in  their  hands, 
measuring  the  route  in  the  following  way :  They 
begin  at  the  royal  tent  upon  the  king's  coming  forth. 
The  man  in  front  who  has  the  rope  in  his  hand  makes 
a  mark  on  the  ground,  and  when  the  man  in  the  rear 
arrives  at  this  mark  he  shouts  out,  and  the  first  man 
makes  a  fresh  mark,  and  counts  "two."  Thus  they 
proceed  throughout  the  march,  counting  "  three," 
"four,"  and  so  on.  Another  man  on  foot  holds  a 
score  in  his  hand,  and  keeps  count.  If  perchance  the 
king  asks  how  far  he  has  travelled,  they  reply  at  once, 
as  they  know  how  many  of  their  ropes  go  to  a  league. 
There  is  another  man  on  foot  who  has  charge  of  the 
hourglass,  and  measures  the  time,  and  each  time 
announces  the  number  of  hours  with  a  mallet  on  a 
platter  of  bronze.  Behind  all  these  the  king  moves 
on  his  way  quietly  and  very  slowly. 

So  great  is  the  dignity  with  the  Mogul  kings'  travel, 
and  the  delicacy  with  which  they  are  treated,  that 
ahead  of  the  column  goes  a  camel  carrying  a  white 


106  THE   ROYAL   STANDARDS 

cloth,  which  is  used  to  cover  over  any  dead  animal 
or  human  being  found  on  the  road.  They  place  heaps 
of  stones  on  the  corners,  so  that  the  cloth  may  not  be 
blown  away  by  the  wind.  When  he  passes,  the  king 
stops  and  asks  the  why  and  wherefore. 

Behind  all  these  squadrons  rode  on  horseback  the 
princes  Sultan  Mu'azzam  and  Sultan  A'zam.  After 
the  king  came  ten  horsemen,  four  with  the  royal 
matchlocks  enclosed  in  cloth-of-gold  bags ;  one  bore 
his  spear,  one  his  sword,  one  his  shield,  one  his 
dagger,  one  his  bow,  one  the  royal  arrows  and  quiver ; 
all  of  these  in  cloth-of-gold  bags.  After  the  weapons 
came  the  captain  of  the  guard  with  his  troops,  then 
the  three  royal  palanquins,  and  other  palanquins 
for  the  princes,  then,  after  the  palanquins,  twenty- 
four  horsemen,  eight  with  pipes,  eight  with  trumpets, 
and  eight  with  kettledrums.  Behind  these  mounted 
musicians  were  the  five  royal  elephants  bearing  litters 
(cherollas),  also  three  elephants,  one  of  which,  that  in 
the  middle,  bore  three  hands  in  silver  upon  a  crossbar 
at  the  end  of  a  pole,  covered  with  its  hood  of  Malacca 
(velvet).  These  signify  "  Observer  of  the  Maho- 
medan  faith."  The  other  two  bore  hands  in  the 
same  style  which  signify  "Augmenter  and  Conser- 
vator of  the  faith."  On  the  right  of  this  middle  one 
was  another  elephant  which  displayed  a  plate  of 
copper  (lamina)  upon  a  staff  with  engraved  letters 
in  Arabic,  meaning  "  God  is  One,  and  Muhammad 
just."  The  other  had  a  pair  of  scales,  which  means 
"  a  king  dealing  with  justice."  On  the  right  (?  left)  hand 
was  another  elephant  bearing  a  crocodile's  head,  with 
a  body  made  of  fine  white  cloth,  which,  when  moved 
by  the  wind,  looked  like  a  real  crocodile,  signifying 
"  Lord  of  the  Rivers." 

On  the  left  went  an  elephant  showing  a  spear,  which 
means  "  the  Conqueror";  to  its  left  again,  another  with 
the  head  of  a  fish,  having  a  body  made  of  cloth,  and 
when  swaying  in  the  wind  this  looked  like  a  great 
fish,  and  it  means  "  Lord  of  the  seas."  All  these 


ROSHAN   ARA    BEGAM   AND    HER   RETINUE     107 

elephants  were  decorated  with  valuable  housings 
and  ornaments.  They  were  followed  by  twelve  more 
bearing  large  kettledrums,  and  other  instruments 
made  of  refined  metals  not  employed  in  Europe. 
They  are  of  the  nature  of  large  dishes,  which,  being 
beaten  one  against  another,  make  a  great  noise. 
These  musical  instruments  are  employed  by  Arme- 
nians, Syrians,  and  Maronites  in  Syria  at  church 
solemnities  and  at  weddings ;  they  are  also  used  at 
such  events  by  the  Turks.  After  these  musicians 
came  Rajah  Jai  Singh  with  eight  thousand  horsemen, 
serving  as  rearguard.  Be  it  known  to  the  reader  that 
each  division  of  those  spoken  of  had  six  highly  adorned 
elephants,  with  rich  trappings,  displaying  on  brilliant 
flags  the  device  of  its  commander. 

At  some  distance  from  the  foregoing  came  Roshan 
Ara  Begam  upon  a  very  large  elephant  in  a  litter 
called  pitambar^  which  is  a  dome-roofed  throne,  very 
brilliant,  made  all  of  enamelled  gold,  and  highly 
adorned.  Behind  her  followed  one  hundred  and  fifty 
women,  her  servants,  riding  handsome  horses,  and 
covered  from  head  to  foot  with  their  mantles  of 
various  colours,  each  with  a  cane  in  her  hand. 
Before  Roshan  Ara  Begam's  elephant  marched  four 
elephants  with  standards  and  a  number  of  bold  and 
aggressive  men  on  foot  to  drive  away  everybody, 
noble  or  pauper,  with  blows  from  sticks  and  with 
pushes.  Thus  I  wonder  when  I  find  someone  writing 
in  Europe,  that  he  managed  one  day  to  get  near 
enough  to  see  a  woman  servant  whisking  away  the 
flies  from  Roshan  Ara  Begam,  which  is  an  impossi- 
bility. For  the  princesses  and  nobles'  wives  are  shut 
up  in  such  a  manner  that  they  cannot  be  seen,  although 
they  can  observe  the  passers-by. 

Behind  Roshan  Ara  Begam  came  her  retinue,  which 
consisted  of  several  sour-faced  eunuchs  on  horseback, 
with  others  on  foot  surrounding  the  litter ;  after  these 
were  three  elephants  with  different  kinds  of  litters 
covered  in  rich  cloth.  Still  farther  in  the  rear  were 


io8  PLAN   OF   ENCAMPMENT 

many  palanquins  covered  with  different  nettings  of 
gold  thread,  in  which  travelled  her  chosen  ladies. 
Following  them  were  some  sixty  elephants  with 
covered  litters,  carrying  her  other  women.  After 
Roshan  Ara  Begam's  retinue  came  three  queens, 
wives  of  Aurangzeb,  and  other  ladies  each  of  the 
harem,  each  with  her  own  special  retinue.  It  would 
be  very  lengthy  to  recount  all  the  details  of  this 
march,  the  Moguls  being  extremely  choice  in  such 
matters,  overlooking  no  detail  that  could  minister  to 
their  glory. 

It  remains  to  state  that  ahead  of  all  this  innumerable 
throng  there   always   moved,   one  day  ahead  at  the 
least,  the  Grand  Master  of  the  Royal  Household,  with 
other  engineers,  to  choose  an  appropriate  site  where 
the  royal  tents  should  be  unloaded.     For  this  purpose 
is  always  chosen  some  pleasant  spot.     The  camp  is 
divided  in  such  a  way  that  on  the  arrival  of  the  army 
there  may  be  no  confusion.     In  the  first  instance  they 
fix  the  site  of  the  royal  enclosure,  which,  by  measure- 
ments  I   subsequently   took   several   times,   occupies 
five   hundred    paces    in    circumference.     Behind   the 
royal  quarters  is  another  gateway,  where  the  women 
live,  a  place  much  respected.     After  this  is  arranged, 
they  fix  the  position  of  the  tents  of  the  princes,  the 
generals,  and  the  nobles.    This  is  so  managed  that 
between  these  tents  and  the  royal  tents  there  should 
be  a  wide  space.    The  central  space  is  encircled  by 
scarlet  cloths,  having  a  height  of  three  arm-lengths, 
and  these  serve  as  walls.    Around   these  enclosing 
screens  are  posted  the  field  pieces,  in  front  of  them  is 
a  ditch,  and  behind  them  are  palisades  of  wood,  made 
like    network,   which   open    and   shut  just    like    the 
ancient  chairs  of  Venice.     At  the  sides  of  the  gateway, 
at  a  distance   of  one   hundred  and  thirty  paces,  are 
two  tents,  holding  each   nine   horses,  most  of  them 
saddled.    In  front  of  the  gateway  is  a  large  raised  tent 
for  the  drummers  and  players  of  music. 
Among  the  special  royal  tents  are  some  where  the 


SPECIAL   TENTS  109 

king  gives  audience;  these  are  supported  by  small 
ornamented  masts  upon  which  are  gilt  knobs.  No 
one  else  may  make  use  of  these  knobs,  only  persons 
of  the  blood  royal.  On  the  top  of  a  very  high  mast 
is  a  lighted  lantern  which  serves  as  a  guide  to  those 
who  arrive  late.  The  tents  of  the  rajahs  and  nobles, 
although  high,  must  not  be  so  high  as  those  of  the 
king,  otherwise  they  would  run  the  risk  of  having 
their  tents  knocked  down  and  being  ruined  them- 
selves. 

When  the  king  comes  out  of  his  tent,  to  begin  a 
march,  the  princes,  nobles,  and  generals  throng  round 
to  pay  him  court,  each  one  bringing  forward  some 
short  request,  to  which  a  brief  answer  is  given.  They 
accompany  the  king  to  the  end  of  the  camp  in  which 
they  had  halted  for  that  day,  then  each  departs  to  his 
proper  place  in  his  own  division.  Then  the  king 
joins  the  huntsmen,  and  announces  whether  he  intends 
to  go  hunting  or  not.  When  he  so  wishes  he  leaves 
the  army  and  is  followed  by  only  the  men  on  foot 
and  the  soldiers  of  his  guard.  Everybody  else  con- 
tinues the  march  very  slowly.  If  he  does  not  wish  to 
hunt,  the  huntsmen  move  to  their  previously  appointed 
places.  When  the  advance  tents  come  into  sight,  the 
musicians  commence  anew  to  play  their  instruments 
until  the  king  has  passed  through  the  gateway  of  the 
tents.  Then  the  small  artillery  is  discharged,  while 
the  queens  and  ladies  offer  to  the  king  congratulations 
on  arrival,  saying :  "  Manzel  mobarec "  (Manzil 
tnubarak\  which  means  "  Happy  be  the  journey." 

It  should  be  observed  that,  although  the  princesses 
and  ladies  start  the  last,  they  always  arrive  the  first, 
having  taken  some  shorter  route.  Ordinarily  the 
women  start  after  the  baggage  and  move  quickly.  I 
knew  that  in  this  journey  Roshan  Ara  Begam  did  not 
take  in  her  litter  her  maid-servant,  but  in  the  latter's 
place  a  youth  dressed  as  a  maid-servant.  God  knows 
what  they  were  up  to,  in  addition  to  drinking  wine. 
The  person  who  told  me  this  was  a  friend  of  mine,  a 


no  MANUCCI   AT   DIHLl   AND   AGRAH 

eunuch  who  loved  wine.  The  same  story  was  con- 
firmed after  the  princess's  death  by  several  ladies  of 
her  suite. 

[Manucci  only  marched  three  days  with  the  army 
towards  Kashmir  and  then  returned  to  Dihfl.] 

This  is  why  I  do  not  write  the  whole  of  the  king's 
journey  to  Kashmir.  I  leave  it  to  the  reader's  curiosity 
to  read  what  Monsieur  Bernier  has  written  about  that 
journey,  although,  if  I  am  to  speak  the  truth,  he  puts 
many  things  of  his  own  into  his  Mogul  history,  and  I 
could,  through  his  chronology  of  the  times,  make  it 
clear  that  he  writes  many  things  which  did  not  occur 
— nor  could  they  have  occurred — in  the  way  in  which 
he  relates  them.  Nor  could  he  have  been  too  well 
informed,  for  he  did  not  live  more  than  eight  years  at 
the  Mogul  court ;  it  is  so  very  large  that  there  are  an 
infinity  of  things  to  observe.  Nor  could  he  so  observe, 
for  he  had  no  entrance  to  the  court.  As  it  seems  to 
me,  he  relied  for  what  he  said  upon  the  common 
people ;  and  if  there  is  any  good  thing  in  his  books, 
it  is  due  to  the  information  given  to  him  by  Pere 
Buzeo,  also  to  what  I  gave  him,  having  then  no 
intention  of  writing  anything.  If  I  write  now  I  do 
so  at  the  demand  of  my  friends,  chiefly  Monsieur 
Francois  Martin,  Director-General,  and  Monsieur 
Deslandes. 

Thus  I  returned  to  Dihlf,  where  I  stopped  several 
days  to  take  leave  of  my  friends.  Then  I  started  for 
the  city  of  Agrah,  where  I  came  across  the  Jesuit 
Fathers.  I  remained  there  for  a  while  in  the  enjoy- 
ment of  the  conversation  of  my  old  friends,  with 
whom  I  had  been  in  the  fortress  of  Bhakkar.  I  did 
not  care  to  take  service  with  Aurangzeb,  but  they  had 
accepted  and  were  at  this  time  artillerymen  in  the  fort 
at  Agrah.  They  were  urgent  for  me  to  enter  the 
service ;  but  finding  that  I  would  not  listen  to  their 
words,  they  went  and  spoke  to  Ptibar  Khan,  fancying 
that  he  could  persuade  me.  Ttibar  Khan  sent  for  me, 
and  on  visiting  him  I  presented  a  cup  of  crystal.  Re- 


SHAHJAHAN   IN   PRISON  in 

ceiving  it  with  a  pleased  face,  he  ordered  robes  of 
honour  to  be  given  to  me.  He  endeavoured  to  win 
me  over,  and  urgently  entreated  me  to  remain  in  the 
fortress  and  enter  the  service.  He  would  grant  me 
any  terms  I  demanded,  and  allot  me  the  pay  I  received 
from  Prince  Dara  at  Bhakkar.  He  would  make  me 
captain  over  the  Christians  (which  was  what  they 
desired,  remembering  how  well  I  had  treated  them  at 
Bhakkar). 

1  tendered  my  excuses,  and  said  in  addition  that  I 
was  most  desirous  to  see  different  parts  of  the  world; 
there  was  also  the  aversion  that  I  had  to  Aurangzeb, 
and  equally  the  face  of  I'tibar  Khan  displeased  me — in 
fact,  to  speak  properly,  he  looked  like  a  baboon.  To 
me  it  seemed  that  from  one  with  a  face  like  that  no 
good  deed  could  proceed.  Nevertheless,  I  did  not  fail 
to  go  several  times  to  court,  as  requested  by  Ptibar 
Khan,  he  imagining  in  this  way  to  overcome  little  by 
little  my  resolve,  and  bring  me  to  take  employment. 
But  each  time  I  went  to  the  audience  served  only  to 
renew  my  determination  not  to  stay  in  Agrah. 

Going  thus  several  times  into  the  fort,  I  noted  the 
imprisonment  of  Shahjahan  was  closer  than  can  be 
expressed.  There  passed  not  a  day,  while  I  and  others 
were  in  conversation  with  the  governor,  that  there  did 
not  come  under-eunuchs  to  whisper  into  his  ear  an 
account  of  all  the  words  and  acts  of  Shahjahan,  and 
even  what  passed  among  the  wives,  ladies,  and  slave- 
girls.  Sometimes,  smiling  at  what  the  eunuchs  told 
him,  he  would  make  the  company  sharers  in  what  was 
going  on  inside,  adding  some  foul  expressions  in 
disparagement  of  Shahjahan.  Not  content  with  this 
even,  he  sometimes  allowed  it  to  be  seen  that  he  treated 
him  as  a  miserable  slave.  Once  an  under-eunuch  came 
to  tell  him  that  Shahjahan  was  in  want  of  "  papuz  " 
(paposh),  which  are  slippers  without  heels,  such  as 
Mahomedans  wear.  He  ordered  several  pairs  to  be 
brought,  and  the  tradesmen  produced  several  different 
kinds  of  pdposh,  some  of  leather  worth  half  a  rupee, 


1 12  MANUCCI   GOES  TO   ALLAHABAD 

some  of  plain  velvet,  and  some  of  velvet  more  or  less 
embroidered.  Some  were  worth  as  much  as  eight 
rupees,  a  very  small  thing  for  a  great  king  like 
Shahjahan,  even  when  in  prison.  In  spite  of  this  the 
eunuch,  immeasurably  stingy,  sent  him  shoes  neither 
of  eight  rupees,  nor  of  four,  nor  of  two,  but  the  common 
leather  shoes.  He  smiled  over  it  as  if  he  had  done 
some  great  deed  ;  and  it  was  a  great  deed,  being  after 
the  nature  of  his  friend  Aurangzeb,  who  knew  from 
this  eunuch's  physiognomy  the  vileness  of  his  soul,  and 
selected  him  to  receive  charge  of  his  greatest  enemy  in 
the  world,  his  father,  so  that  by  force  of  ill-treatment 
the  wretched  old  man  (Shahjahan)  might  die. 

I  do  not  know  how  it  was  with  the  others  who  were 
present  when  this  was  done,  but  I  certainly  felt  it 
much.  I  knew  the  dignity  with  which  Shahjahan  had 
lived  when  he  was  free  and  Emperor  of  Hindustan ; 
it  was  doubly  sad  when  one  remembered  that  Ptibar 
Khan  was  formerly  a  slave  of  this  same  Shahjahan, 
by  whom  he  was  given  to  Aurangzeb. 

When  the  Jesuit  Fathers  saw  that  I  did  not  want  to 
remain  in  Agrah,  but  was  determined  to  go  to  Bengal, 
Father  Henriques  Roa  (Heinrich  Roth),  a  German 
rector  of  the  college,  earnestly  entreated  me  to  take 
with  me  two  Portuguese  friars,  then  living  in  his 
college.  They  were  companions  of  others  who  had 
fled  from  the  town  of  Chavel  (Chaul),  and  he  (Roth) 
did  not  wish  to  be  accused  of  harbouring  fugitives. 
Although  I  did  not  burden  myself  willingly  with  such 
merchandise — for  I  have  always  held  that  he  who  flees 
from  a  convent  is  capable  of  other  misdeeds — never- 
theless, to  be  agreeable  to  the  Father  Rector,  I  took 
with  me  the  two  friars,  turning  them  into  my  servants. 
In  twelve  days  we  reached  Allahabad. 

I  believe  that  the  reader  will  be  pleased  to  know  that 
on  the  eastern  side  of  this  city  is  a  fortress  all  of  red 
stone.  It  was  King  Akbar  who  ordered  it  to  be  built; 
it  is  very  handsome  and  very  strong.  For,  in  addition 


BATHING    IN   THE   GANGES  113 

to  art,  Nature  has  also  helped  to  make  it  strong :  the 
River  Ganges,  flowing  on  the  north  or  left  side,  directs 
its  course  towards  the  south  until  it  reaches  the  fortress, 
while  the  River  Jamnah,  flowing  on  the  east,  at  the  right 
hand  of  the  fort,  forms  a  junction  with  the  Ganges  river 
beneath  the  walls.  Besides  these  rivers  there  issues 
from  the  rock  on  which  stand  the  fort  and  its  outworks 
a  petty  stream  with  blue  waters,  which  is  called  Tirt 
(Tirth);  it  goes  by  a  straight  course,  like  a  tongue, 
between  the  two  rivers  until  it  flows  into  them.  Just 
as  if  the  said  two  rivers  held  those  waters  in  respect, 
on  account  of  their  birthplace,  they  allow  them  to  pass 
down  for  a  long  distance  without  their  colour  being 
modified.  Thus  you  can  plainly  see  the  waters  of  this 
streamlet  flowing  in  the  middle  of  the  waters  of  the 
two  rivers,  Ganges  and  Jamnah. 

I  observed  this  very  specially  when  during  my  stay 
one  of  my  friends,  named  Aquim  Momena  (Hakim 
Mumin),  physician  to  Bahadur  Khan,  gave  me  a  dinner 
upon  the  said  fortification.  As  it  was  the  first  time  I 
saw  it,  I  showed  my  admiration  of  this  work  of  Nature. 
For  many  gave  me  particular  information,  and  told  me 
that  the  Hindus  worship  this  River  Tirth,  their  story 
being  that  one  of  their  gods  opened  with  an  arrow  the 
spring  from  which  the  said  river  rises. 

Every  five  years  multitudes  of  Hindus  assemble  and 
wash  their  bodies  in  the  said  stream.  This  yields  a 
good  revenue  to  the  Mogul  king,  for  every  person  who 
bathes  in  the  river  pays  six  and  a  quarter  rupees. 
Such  is  the  multitude  of  frequenters  that  in  the  crowd- 
ing many  are  stifled.  Nor  on  this  account  do  the 
relations  of  the  smothered  persons  make  the  usual 
lamentations.  On  the  contrary,  they  boast  that  their 
relations  died  in  a  state  of  grace  and  holiness,  all  of 
which  is  included  in  the  word  Tirth. 

These  three  rivers  flow  beneath  the  city  of  Banaras 
(Benares),  ninety  leagues  from  Allahabad,  pass  near 
the  city  of  Patana  (Patnah),  forty  leagues  distant  from 
Benares,  then,  flowing  onwards,  water  the  shores  of  the 


n4  BENARES   AND   PATNAH 

small  town  of  Muguer  (Munger)  at  a  distance  of  eighty 
leagues  from  Patnah,  and,  continuing  their  course, 
greet  the  town  of  Ragemahal  (Rajmahal)  at  forty 
leagues  from  Munger.  There  they  divide  into  two 
branches :  one,  keeping  the  name  of  Ganges,  flows  as 
far  as  Ugulim  (Hugli)  in  Bengal,  and  from  Hugli  goes 
southward  to  the  sea ;  the  other  branch,  under  the 
name  of  Jamnah,  flows  near  the  town  of  Daca  (Dhakah), 
where  it  mingles  with  other  great  rivers. 

We  were  some  days  in  Allahabad,  and  the  then 
governor  was  Bahadur  Khan,  who  was  absent  on  a 
campaign  against  some  villagers  who  objected  to  pay 
their  revenue  without  at  least  one  fight,  just  as  the 
villagers  near  Agrah  do.  Leaving  Allahabad,  I 
took  the  road  for  Benares,  by  land,  carrying  with 
me  a  passport  as  is  the  practice  with  all  tra- 
vellers. The  route  was  level  and  without  hills,  and 
in  eight  days  we  came  to  the  city  of  Benares,  where  we 
remained  several  days.  This  city  is  small,  but  very 
ancient,  and  venerated  by  the  Hindus  by  reason  of  a 
temple  there  possessing  a  very  ancient  idol.  Some 
years  after  my  visit  Aurangzeb  sent  orders  for  its 
destruction,  when  he  undertook  the  knocking  down  of 
all  temples. 

In  this  city  is  made  much  cloth  worked  in  gold  and 
silver,  which  is  distributed  hence  all  over  the  Mogul 
realm,  and  is  exported  to  many  parts  of  the  world. 
It  is  the  fashion  in  Hindustan  to  use  this  proverb  : 
"  Toracana  Banarismo  Rana"(77?0ra  khana,  Bandras 
mon  rahnd)—ihat  is  :  "  Little  to  eat,  but  live  in  Benares  " 
— suggesting  that  Benares  is  a  nice  place,  with  a  good 
climate,  productive  land,  and  cheap  food.  Here  I 
crossed  the  great  river,  showing  the  Allahabad  pass- 
port, as  is  usual ;  and  by  land  I  arrived  in  four 
days  at  Patnah,  a  very  large  city  with  bazars,  the 
greater  part  thatched  and  inhabited  by  many  mer- 
chants ;  for  here  is  prepared  much  white  cloth  of  fine 
quality. 

In  this  city  were  two  factories — one  of  the  English 


A   CLEVER   ARMENIAN   AT   PAJNAH  115 

and  the  other  Dutch — seeing  that  here,  besides  cloth 
of  cotton,  much  fine  silk  cloth  is  woven,  and  a  huge 
quantity  of  saltpetre  produced,  which  goes  to  be 
stored  in  Bengal,  and  is  there  loaded  on  ships  for 
various  parts  of  Europe.  Bottles  are  also  made,  and 
cups  of  clay,  finer  than  glass,  lighter  than  paper,  and 
highly  scented ;  and  these,  as  curiosities,  are  carried 
all  over  the  world.  When  I  was  at  Patnah  I  saw 
an  Armenian  friend  of  mine  called  Coja  Safar  (Khwajah 
Safar),  of  Agrah.  He  had  a  letter  entitling  him  to 
receive  from  a  sarraf  (money-changer)  twenty-five 
thousand  rupees.  On  his  arrival  he  learned  that  the 
sarraf  had  become  bankrupt.  The  Armenian  dis- 
simulated. As  all  the  merchants  knew  him,  they 
brought  him  cloth,  and  he  took  delivery  up  to  thirty 
thousand  rupees'  worth.  He  loaded  up  all  this  cloth 
for  Surat,  continuing  himself  at  Patnah.  When  the 
time  came  for  paying  the  merchants,  he,  in  pursuance 
of  the  custom  of  the  country,  lighted  two  candles  in 
the  morning,  as  a  sign  that  he  had  become  bankrupt, 
he  sat  in  his  house  with  no  turban  on  his  head,  a 
simple  cloth  bound  round  his  head  and  loins,  his 
seat  an  old  bit  of  matting,  and  a  dejected  expression 
on  his  face. 

A  great  tumult  arose  in  the  city,  and  the  merchants 
thronged  to  learn  the  cause ;  there  was  a  storm  of 
questions,  answers,  and  bad  language.  To  all  this  he 
replied  with  a  sad  countenance,  calmly,  and  without 
heat,  by  the  word  "  Divalia  "  (diwala),  which  means 
"  bankrupt."  No  other  response  could  they  get.  They 
carried  him  off  to  court ;  but  on  the  quiet  he  had 
given  the  judge  a  bribe  of  five  thousand  rupees.  At 
the  hearing  he  (Safar)  produced  the  bill  of  exchange 
that  he  got  at  Agrah  upon  the  sarraf  of  Patnah,  and 
made  the  defence  that  this  sarraf  was  the  cause  that 
he,  too,  was  a  bankrupt.  The  judge  decreed  that  the 
merchants  must  take  the  bill  of  exchange  and  procure 
payment  for  themselves,  being  fellow  citizens  of  the 
sarraf.  It  was  unreasonable  that  a  stranger  should 


n6  A   JOURNEY   BY   RIVER 

suffer  in  a  foreign  country.    The  Armenian,  being  thus 
absolved,  made  his  way  to  Siirat. 

At  this  time  Dautcan  (Da,ud  Khan)  governed 
the  city  of  Patnah.  This  is  the  man  who  was  un- 
willing to  forsake  the  service  of  Dara,  yet  was  forced 
to  leave  it  because  Dara,  in  opposition  to  all  reason, 
expelled  him  from  the  service  when  he  marched  out 
of  Multan.  The  prince  acted  on  unfounded  suspicions, 
as  I  have  recounted  in  the  other  part.  I  went  to 
see  him,  and  he  was  very  delighted  to  see  me,  remem- 
bering that  1  had  been  something  of  a  favourite  with 
Dara.  He  gave  me  a  set  of  robes  (sardpa).  He  still 
retained  much  affection  for  the  deceased  prince,  up- 
braiding the  evil  fortune  that  had  pursued  him.  He 
said  to  me  that  if  Prince  Dara  were  still  alive  he 
would  never  have  taken  service  under  Aurangzeb, 
and  now  that  he  had  accepted  employment  he 
had  been  sent  to  govern  Patnah.  He  was  desirous 
for  me  to  become  his  follower,  making  me  great 
offers ;  but  as  I  wished  to  continue  my  journey, 
I  asked  him  to  forgive  me,  as  I  had  business  in 
Bengal.  He  agreed  to  let  me  go  on  condition  that 
I  accepted  from  him  a  boat  for  making  my  journey 
by  river  to  Bengal,  as  a  mark  of  the  affection  he 
bore  me. 

I  accepted  the  offer ;  and  of  the  two  horses  I  had 
I  sold  one,  the  other  I  embarked  on  the  boat.  Then 
I  got  into  it,  taking  the  two  friars,  with  whom  I  was 
considerably  incensed.  We  proceeded  slowly,  and, 
arriving  near  an  island,  while  our  meal  was  in  pre- 
paration I  landed  with  my  boys  to  go  shooting,  there 
being  an  abundance  of  game  in  these  islands,  all  of 
them  uninhabited.  Having  shot  sufficient  for  supper 
and  breakfast,  I  returned  to  the  boat,  and  every  evening 
we  slept  close  to  the  bank. 

One  day  during  this  voyage  the  boatman  told  me 
not  to  put  any  trust  in  the  friars,  for  they  were  not 
my  friends — on  the  contrary,  they  had  several  times 
wanted  to  resume  the  journey  while  I  was  out  on  an 


RAJMAHAL  117 

island  shooting  ;  but  the  boatman  would  never  consent, 
knowing  that  Da,ud  Khan  would  wreak  vengeance 
on  him  for  daring  so  to  act.  I  knew  quite  well  that 
the  friars  were  capable  of  doing  this,  for  the  more 
I  tried  to  please  them,  the  more  insolent  they  became. 
They  did  not  recognise  the  benefit  I  was  doing  them, 
for  no  other  reason  than  their  being  men  of  religious 
profession,  recommended  by  the  Father  Rector  of  the 
Jesuits  in  Agrah.  I  wanted  to  find  out  whether  really 
they  spoke  thus  to  the  boatman,  and  I  learnt  after 
some  days  that  they  again  did  as  before.  Thus  I  was 
compelled  to  show  myself  in  a  rage,  and  I  said  to 
them  that,  if  they  did  not  mend  their  impertinent 
ways,  I  would  abandon  them  on  some  island,  and 
leave  them  to  the  disposal  of  Time  and  the  wild  beasts. 
I  hoped  that  they  would  not  thereafter  venture  to  incur 
my  displeasure.  All  men  of  wisdom  know  that,  with 
certain  characters,  it  is  necessary  to  be  resolute  before 
you  can  make  them  abate  their  rage,  and  thus  was  it 
requisite  to  do  on  this  occasion  to  make  them  thoroughly 
uneasy. 

Finally  I  reached  Rajmahal,  the  former  court 
residence  of  Prince  Shah  Shuja',  where  I  delayed 
a  few  days  to  see  the  ruins  of  the  city,  the 
dilapidated  palaces,  the  great  fallen  mansions,  the 
neglected  groves  and  gardens.  ;  At  this  time  the  city 
was  ruled  by  Mirza  Jam,  who  had  been  the  cap- 
tain of  Shah  Shuja's  artillery  in  the  severe  battle 
of  Khajwah.  Upon  the  defeat  of  that  prince,  Mir 
Jumlah,  who  was  viceroy  of  Bengal,  aware  of  the 
prudence  and  valour  of  Mirza  Jani,  made  him 
governor  of  this  city. 

From  Rajmahal  I  continued  my  journey  on  the 
river  to  the  city  of  Daca  (Dhakah),  which  was 
reached  in  fifteen  days  from  leaving  Rajmahal.  The 
city  of  Dhakah  is  the  metropolis  of  the  whole  province 
of  Bengal,  where  a  viceroy  always  resides  who  wields 
the  greatest  power,  although  when  I  reached  it  Mir 
Jumlah,  the  then  viceroy,  was  not  there,  he  having 

9 


n8  ARRIVAL  AT   HtJGLl 

gone  to  make  war  on  Assam,  a  campaign  of  which  I 
will  speak  later  on.  The  city  of  Dhakah,  without 
being  strong  or  large,  has  many  inhabitants.  Most 
of  its  houses  are  made  of  straw.  At  this  period  there 
were  two  factories,  one  English  and  the  other  Dutch  ; 
there  were  many  Christians,  white  and  black  Portu- 
guese, with  a  church  served  by  a  friar  called 
Agostinho. 

Here  I  made  the  acquaintance  of  an  Englishman 
named  Thomas  Plata  (?  Platt),  a  courteous  man,  who 
had  from  Mir  Jumlah  five  hundred  rupees  a  month. 
He  was  master  of  the  riverside,  and  employed  in 
building  boats  and  making  ammunition  for  river 
fighting.  This  Englishman  carried  me  off  to  his 
house,  and  I  received  from  him  many  favours ;  I 
shall  have  something  to  say  about  him  after  the  death 
of  Mir  Jumlah  through  something  that  then  happened 
to  him.  After  some  days  I  embarked  once  more, 
accompanied  by  the  friars,  traversing  the  great  river 
of  Dhakah,  on  my  way  to  Hugli.  Having  discovered 
that  I  had  little  time  to  spare,  and  that  there  was  a 
shorter  and  a  safer  route  to  Hugli,  we  therefore 
quitted  the  main  stream  and  passed  by  a  way  between 
forests,  which  are  called  the  Forests  of  Sunderi 
(Sundarbans). 

In  forty  days  we  got  through  the  forest  and  reached 
the  waters  of  Huglf,  not  far  from  the  sea.  The  friars 
made  for  the  harbour  of  Balasor,  where  they  wanted 
to  beg  for  alms.  I  disembarked  at  Hugli  and  went  to 
see  the  Father  Prior  of  St.  Augustin's,  named  Frey 
Irao  Bautista.  Here  I  found  the  chief  inhabitants  of 
Hugli,  all  of  them  rich  Portuguese,  for  in  those  days 
they  alone  were  allowed  to  deal  in  salt  throughout  the 
province  of  Bengal.  The  Father  asked  me  at  once  if 
there  had  come  with  me  two  fugitive  friars.  I  replied 
that  two  Fathers  bad  come,  but  they  were  not  fugitives 
— on  the  contrary,  they  were  religious  persons  much 
to  be  esteemed ;  that  they  had  come  to  gather  alms 
for  their  convent  and  were  gone  to  Balasor.  Thus 


MANUCCI'S   STAY   IN    HtJGLl  119 

did  I  repay  the  troubles  they  had  caused  me  on  the 
journey.  But  they  did  not  equally  return  them  to  me 
the  good  I  had  done  them,  as  I  shall  relate.  The 
Father  Prior  placed  trust  in  my  words,  and  made 
ready  two  cells  to  receive  the  friars  on  their  arrival, 
which  came  to  pass  a  few  days  afterwards,  when  they 
were  well  received. 

Some  days  after  my  arrival  the  Jesuit  Fathers  came 
to  visit  me,  and  in  course  of  conversation  they  said  to 
me  that  they  had  a  tiny  church,  and  that  only  built 
of  straw.  They  desired  to  construct  one  of  stone, 
but  the  governor  objected,  although  they  were  ready 
to  pay  him  five  thousand  rupees.  The  governor  was 
Mirzagol  (?  Mirza  Gul  or  Mughal),  an  old  man  of 
Persian  race,  who  had  been  in  Shah  Shuja's  service 
when  he  fought  the  famous  battle  of  Khajwah  against 
Aurangzeb.  He  afterwards  entered  the  service  of 
Aurangzeb,  and  Mir  Jumlah,  who  knew  his  prudence, 
made  him  governor  of  Hugli.  This  governor  was 
determined  that  the  Jesuit  Fathers  should  not  build 
a  church,  and  he  issued  orders  that  no  one  should 
work  at  such  an  edifice  under  penalty  of  losing  a 
hand. 

The  Fathers  begged  me  most  earnestly  to  speak  to 
Mirza  Gul  on  this  matter.  To  be  of  service  to  the 
Fathers,  I  paid  a  visit  to  the  governor,  when  we  had  a 
talk  over  the  events  in  the  recent  wars,  so  that  he  took 
a  fancy  to  me.  He  said  to  me  that  if  he  could  be  of 
use  to  me  in  any  way  he  would  do  it  willingly. 
Seeing  an  opening  for  carrying  out  the  project  of  the 
Fathers,  who  were  with  me,  I  explained  to  him,  after 
many  polite  words,  that  I  should  be  content  if  he 
would  allow  the  Fathers  to  build  a  church.  This  was 
the  greatest  favour  that  he  could  do  me.  Then  I 
presented  to  him  their  petition,  which  he  granted  on 
the  spot. 

When  they  learnt  this,  the  Portuguese  were  all 
amazed  that  I,  with  a  few  words,  had  secured  what 
they  could  not  obtain  for  five  thousand  rupees.  This 


120  A   MARRIAGE   PROPOSAL 

thing  caused  them  to  seek  every  mode  of  keeping  me 
in  Hugli,  they  supposing  that,  as  I  had  managed  so 
easily  such  a  difficult  affair,  I  would  prove  of  benefit 
to  the  Portuguese  should  I  take  up  my  residence  there. 
They  found  that  I  was  not  willing ;  on  the  contrary,  I 
wanted  to  go  back  to  the  Mogul  territory  to  practise 
the  science  of  medicine,  of  which  I  had  begun  to  learn 
the  elements,  and  was  continuing  my  studies.  I  knew 
from  experience  that  Frank  physicians  are  held  in 
esteem  by  the  Mahomedans.  They  then  thought 
to  detain  me  by  a  marriage  to  a  young  lady,  with 
the  promise  of  thirty  thousand  rupees  and  two 
pataxos  loaded  with  salt,  making  the  whole  one 
hundred  thousand  rupees,  also  a  house  furnished 
with  everything  necessary  for  a  newly-married 
couple. 

I  was  really  anxious  that  this  contract  should  be 
carried  through  ;  all  the  same,  I  made  a  show  of  not 
caring  a  rap,  pretending,  on  the  contrary,  that  I  was 
absolutely  determined  to  return  to  the  Mogul  country. 
The  Jesuit  Fathers  were  never  tired  of  trying  to  get  a 
"Yes "from  me,  but  though  desirous  in  my  heart  of 
assenting,  I  made  a  show  of  refusal,  so  that  they  might 
not  fancy  they  were  conferring  any  benefit  on  me, 
nor,  if  afterwards  there  chanced  to  be  any  quarrel, 
could  they  throw  in  my  face  the  benefit  they  had 
done  me. 

The  friends  with  whom  I  had  travelled  from  Agrah 
to  Bengal  were  anxious  on  this  occasion  to  repay  me 
for  the  kindness  I  had  done  them  in  taking  them  as 
my  companions.  They  came  to  interview  me,  and  by 
a  long  argument  tried  to  draw  from  my  purse  three 
thousand  rupees.  They  said  if  I  gave  them  the 
three  thousand  rupees  they  had  the  power  of 
arranging  a  very  profitable  marriage  for  me.  They 
supposed  that  at  the  time  I  knew  nothing  of  this 
proposed  marriage,  and  thus  they  came  confidently 
hoping  to  suck  three  thousand  rupees  out  of  me. 
With  an  unmoved  face  I  gave  them  my  thanks, 


INTERFERENCE   OF   TWO   FRIARS  121 

saying  that  I  had  no  wish  to  marry.  Worn  out  by 
talking,  they  had  to  quit  my  dwelling  without  the 
rupees. 

They  (the  friars)  waited  until  a  day  on  which  my 
proposed  father-in-law  had  prepared  a  luncheon,  and 
intended  to  come  with  the  Jesuit  Fathers  and  other 
friends  of  his  to  carry  me  with  them  to  this  feast. 
He  meant  to  obtain  my  acquiescence  during  the  meal. 
All  of  a  sudden  they  (the  two  friars)  appeared  in  the 
company.  Everybody  was  pleased,  looking  on  the 
friars  as  my  friends  ;  and  they  were  invited  to  come 
also  to  my  house  to  fetch  me,  and  settle  about  the 
wedding.  Those  two  men,  who  sought  nothing  but 
my  harm,  began  to  give  vent  to  the  rage  that  they 
had  against  me  at  not  having  been  able  to  extract 
the  three  thousand  rupees  from  me.  They  expressed 
their  surprise  that  a  rich  man,  having  only  one 
daughter,  the  heiress  of  much  wealth,  should  seek 
for  her  the  ill-fortune  of  being  married  to  a  foreign 
youth,  one  of  little  ability.  On  the  other  hand,  there 
were  many  Portuguese  of  good  sense,  of  good  family, 
well-established  merchants  in  Huglt,  who  were  willing 
to  marry  the  girl ;  if  others  were  consenting  to  this 
union  they  could  not  concur  in  such  an  injury  being 
inflicted  on  the  girl. 

Everybody  was  amazed  at  this  kind  of  talk  from 
the  friars,  they  all  supposing  them  to  be  my  friends, 
as  I  had  vouched  for  them ;  and  their  words  found 
acceptance  in  the  minds  of  many  present.  The  two 
knew  that  someone  would  come  and  tell  me  what 
had  happened,  therefore  they  cunningly  took  the 
initiative,  and  came  within  the  same  hour  to  visit  me. 
They  said  Hugli  was  not  a  good  place  for  me;  it 
were  better  to  quit  it  at  once.  The  Father  Prior  of 
the  Augustinians  was,  they  said,  very  vexed  with  me 
for  obtaining  permission  for  the  Jesuit  Fathers  to 
build  their  church.  He  had  sworn  that  when  he  came 
across  me  he  would  thrust  some  insult  upon  me. 

As  soon  as  they  had  left  my  house  I  took  pen  and 
9* 


122  REPRISALS 

ink,  and  wrote  a  letter  to  the  said  Father  Prior,  asking 
the  cause  of  his  displeasure.  For  it  did  not  seem  to 
me  sufficient  cause  to  be  vexed  because  a  stranger 
had  assisted  in  getting  God  glorified.  Nevertheless, 
if  I  had  offended  I  would  come  to  him  for  my  penance. 
But  it  did  not  seem  to  me  right  that  he  should  show 
such  signs  of  displeasure  as  recounted  to  me  by  such- 
and-such  priests.  He  replied  to  me  that  he  had  no 
grievance  about  my  gaining  the  permission  for  the 
Jesuit  Fathers,  but  it  was  because  they  had  promised 
him  one  hundred  and  fifty  rupees  if  the  negotiation 
succeeded,  and  now  were  unwilling  to  keep  their 
word.  Meanwhile  there  appeared  the  foster  brother 
of  her  who  was  to  be  my  wife;  he  was  my  great 
friend,  and  he  told  me  all  that  occurred.  The  story 
was  confirmed  by  other  friends  who  had  been  present 
during  the  telling  of  falsehoods  about  me  by  the  two 
friars. 

I  came  out  of  my  house,  and  went  to  the  Father 
Prior  of  the  Augustinians,  where  1  made  known  what 
the  friars  were,  for  I  now  saw  they  were  full  of  guile. 
I  told  him,  as  was  the  truth,  that  they  collected  alms 
not  for  the  convent,  but  for  themselves.  They  had 
tried  to  levy  from  my  purse  three  thousand  rupees ; 
but,  as  I  did  not  wish  to  give  them  this  money,  the}7 
invented  falsehoods  about  me.  They  supposed  I 
wanted  to  get  married,  whereas  the  thought  of  it  had 
never  entered  my  head.  The  Father  Prior  approved 
of  what  I  said,  and  extracted  from  the  hands  of  the 
fugitives  the  alms  collected,  writing  to  the  convent 
of  the  said  friars  at  Goa  as  to  what  he  had  done.  He 
gave  orders  in  his  convent  of  the  Augustinians  for 
the  preparation  of  a  satisfactory  account  of  the  money. 
The  said  Father  Prior  made  complaint  to  me  for  my 
not  having  denounced  them  as  absconders.  I  replied 
that  under  the  impression  that  they  intended  to  do 
better  deeds  than  those  they  had  committed  in  the 
Mogul  country  I  judged  myself  under  an  obligation 
to  screen  my  neighbour's  faults,  but  finding  that  they 


MANUCCI   LEAVES   HUGLl  123 

were  acting  worse  than  before  I  held  it  now  opportune 
to  declare  the  truth. 

Certain  friends  were  very  anxious  for  me  to  remain 
in  Hugli  to  renew  the  proposals  of  marriage.  But 
being  quite  ready  for  a  start  I  declined  to  listen  to 
anyone.  Two  days  after  the  above-mentioned  event 
I  quitted  Hugli  by  land.  Some  imagined  that  I  was 
not  really  going,  for  before  I  had  reached  Cassim 
Bazar  (Qasim  Bazar)  they  sent  me  couriers  calling 
on  me  to  return,  saying  that  already  the  plot  of  my 
enemies  had  been  discovered,  and  my  father-in-law 
was  anxiously  awaiting  me  to  give  me  his  daughter 
as  my  bride.  I  paid  no  heed  to  such  letters  and 
promises,  for  I  had  by  that  time  made  up  my  mind 
to  go  once  more  to  Dihli. 

I  reached  Qasim  Bazar,  at  three  days'  journey  from 
Hugli,  and  here  I  saw  that  they  make  much  high- 
quality  piece-goods,  and  much  white  cloth.  There 
are  in  this  village,  which  is  near  the  Ganges,  three 
factories  of  the  French,  English,  and  Dutch.  From 
Qasim  Bazar  I  took  the  road  to  Rajmahal,  and  there 
waited  to  see  a  Hindu  woman  burnt,  although  I  had 
already  seen  many.  She  had  poisoned  her  husband 
by  reason  of  her  love  for  a  musician,  hoping  to  get 
married  afterwards  to  this  lover.  But  on  the  husband's 
death  the  musician  refused  to  marry  her.  Thus 
finding  herself  deprived  of  a  husband,  and  her  re- 
putation gone,  she  resolved  to  be  burnt.  A  great 
crowd  collected  to  look  on  ;  among  them  appeared 
the  musician,  hoping  to  receive  from  her  something 
by  way  of  memorial.  It  is  usual  for  women  who  go 
to  be  burnt  to  distribute  betel-leaf  or  jewels.  The 
place  was  a  large  pit.  As  she  was  circumambulating 
this  pit  she  came  close  to  the  young  musician,  and, 
taking  from  her  neck  a  gold  chain  she  had  on  as  an 
ornament,  she  flung  it  round  the  young  man's  neck, 
and  taking  him  forcibly  into  her  arms  jumped  into 
the  pit.  Everyone  was  taken  aback  at  this,  not  anti- 
cipating such  a  thing.  Thus  did  she  and  the  youth 


i24  A   RESCUE   FROM    SATl 

together  expiate  their  sin  and  the  murder  of  the 
husband. 

From  Rajmahal  I  made  once  more  for  Patnah, 
where  I  halted  several  days,  spending  a  jolly  time 
with  some  English  and  Dutch  friends.  I  then  started 
for  Allahabad,  and  from  Allahabad  I  went  to  Agrah, 
where  was  King  Shahjahan,  still  kept  with  the  same 
rigour  as  ordered  by  King  Aurangzeb,  who  was  then 
in  Kashmir.  The  routes  I  traversed  are  much  fre- 
quented, full  of  villages  and  sardes,  food  being  good 
and  cheap. 

Some  time  after  my  arrival  in  Agrah  there  came 
to  my  house  a  Dutch  surgeon  named  Jacob,  a  fugitive 
from  the  harbour  of  Goa,  having  killed  a  man  when 
the  Dutch  blockaded  the  entrance  to  that  place.  His 
visit  was  mo^t  opportune.  For  the  governor  of  the 
city,  who  suffered  from  a  fistula,  had  sent  for  me  to 
see  if  I  could  cure  him.  None  of  the  Europeans 
living  in  the  fort  knew  the  proper  treatment,  nor  was 
there  any  Mahomedan  surgeon  who  would  venture 
to  deal  with  the  case.  I  asked  Jacob,  who  was  unable 
to  speak  Moors,  and  was  a  poor,  miserable  creature, 
whether  he  had  the  courage  to  treat  such  a  complaint. 
He  replied  in  the  affirmative,  and  so  I  went  with  him 
to  the  governor,  and  in  a  short  time  we  cured  him, 
when  he  gave  us  a  considerable  sum  for  our  trouble, 
besides  the  presents  sent  to  me  during  the  time  we 
were  attending  him.  Thus  little  by  little  I  began  to 
turn  myself  into  a  physician,  although  I  did  not  make 
bold  to  announce  myself  as  such. 

During  my  stay  in  Agrah  I  went  one  day  to  make 
an  excursion  into  the  country  on  horseback,  in  the 
company  of  a  young  Armenian.  We  came  where  a 
Hindu  woman  had  begun  to  move  round  her  pyre, 
which  was  already  blazing ;  she  rested  her  eyes  on 
us,  as  if  she  appealed  to  us  for  help.  The  Armenian 
asked  if  I  would  join  him  in  saving  the  woman  from 
death.  I  said  I  would.  Seizing  our  swords,  and  our 
servants  doing  the  same,  we  charged  our  horses  into 


MANUCCI   ENTERS   JAI   SINGH'S   SERVICE      125 

the  midst  of  the  crowd  looking  on,  shouting  "  Mata, 
mata!"  ("Kill,  kill!"),  whereat  the  Brahmans,  being 
frightened,  all  took  to  flight  and  left  the  woman  un- 
guarded. The  Armenian  laid  hold  of  her,  and  making 
her  mount  behind  him,  carried  her  off.  Subsequently, 
having  had  her  baptized,  he  married  her.  When 
I  passed  through  Surat  I  found  her  living  there  with 
her  son,  and  she  returned  me  many  thanks  for  the 
benefit  done  to  her.  When  the  king  returned  from 
Kashmir,  the  Brahmans  went  to  complain  that  the 
soldiers  did  not  allow  women  to  be  burnt,  in  accord- 
ance with  their  customs.  The  king  issued  an  order 
that  in  all  lands  under  Mogul  control  never  again 
should  the  officials  allow  a  woman  to  be  burnt.  This 
order  endures  to  this  day. 

The  king  having  arrived  at  Dihli  from  Kashmir,  I 
went  several  times  to  make  my  bow  to  Rajah  Jai 
Singh,  who  took  a  fancy  to  me,  and  in  the  end 
requested  me  to  teach  him  how  to  play  Hombre,  as 
I  had  already  done  to  his  son  Queretsing  (Kirat 
Singh).  Several  times  we  played  together,  and  we 
two  won  from  the  said  Rajah  some  sums  of  money. 
At  this  time  Rajah  Jai  Singh  said  he  had  need  of  me. 
He  wanted  me  to  join  him  in  this  most  important 
enterprise,  and  he  would  make  me  commander  of 
his  artillery.  For  this  purpose  I  must  search  for 
Europeans  I  knew  and  who  were  good  soldiers. 
Afterwards  he  would  entrust  other  business  to  me. 
Meanwhile  he  fixed  my  pay  at  ten  rupees  a  day. 
I  could  not  resist  his  proposal,  and  I  had  great 
trust  in  his  word,  nor  did  I  like  to  offend  him  at 
such  a  time.  For  I  had  not  yet  the  boldness  to 
announce  myself  as  a  physician.  He  gave  me  a  rich 
sardpd  (set  of  robes),  and  a  good  horse,  with  sufficient 
money  for  my  equipment. 

Everything  having  been  arranged,  we  quitted  Dihli 
with  a  strong  force.  Aurangzeb  ordered  Mahabat 
Khan  to  return  to  the  government  of  Gujarat,  and 


126  VAIN-GLORIOUS   BAHADUR   KHAN 

Bahadur  Khan,  the  king's  foster-brother,  was  ordered 
to  return  to  court.  At  this  time  happened  an  amusing 
affair.  Bahadur  Khan,  as  the  king's  foster-brother, 
had  been  lifted  from  an  obscure  position  to  that  of 
a  general.  He  had  become  very  high  and  mighty 
and  vain-glorious.  Everyone  arriving  from  court  was 
asked  eagerly  as  to  the  king's  health,  not  calling  him 
by  his  title,  but  speaking  of  him  as  his  brother ;  thus 
he  used  to  say :  "  How  is  my  brother  ? "  Mahabat 
Khan  decided  to  teach  him  a  lesson.  On  reaching 
Gujarat,  he  took  his  seat  in  his  tent  and  arranged 
with  his  foster-brother  that  when  Bahadur  Khan  was 
there  he  should,  richly  clad,  and  with  an  aigrette  of 
gold  stuck  in  his  turban,  gallop  past  on  a  fine  horse, 
acting  the  braggart,  as  if  on  his  way  to  his  own 
quarters.  Bahadur  Khan  wondered  at  this  perform- 
ance, and  asked  who  was  that  mighty  warrior. 
Mahabat  Khan  did  not  use  the  man's  name,  but, 
assuming  an  innocent  air,  he  said  briefly :  "  These 
foster-brothers  are  shameless  creatures,  and  have  no 
tact  in  what  they  do.  They  fancy  that  being  our 
brothers  by  milk,  they  are  equal  members  of  our 
house!"  Bahadur  Khan  quite  saw  the  hit,  but  pre- 
tended not  to.  Nor  by  this  was  he  turned  from  his 
line  of  conduct.  For  the  proverb  is  a  true  one : 
"  However  many  stratagems  a  man  possesses,  they 
sooner  or  later  ruin  him." 

Two  things  happened  to  me  during  this  march. 
The  first  was  that,  being  dressed  in  the  costume  of 
the  country,  I  fastened  my  gown  or  cabaya  (qaba) 
on  the  right  side  as  is  the  fashion  of  Mahomedans. 
The  Hindus  fasten  theirs  on  the  left.  I  also  went 
with  my  beard  shaved,  wearing  only  moustaches  like 
the  Rajputs,  but  without  pearls  hanging  from  my  ears 
as  they  have.  The  Rajput  officers  wondered  at  this 
get-up,  neither  Rajput  nor  Mahomedan.  They  asked 
me  what  religion  1  belonged  to.  I  replied  that  I  was 
of  the  Christian  religion.  Once  more  they  asked  me  if 
I  were  a  Mohamedan  Christian  or  a  Hindu  Christian— 


EUROPEAN   MODE   OF   FIGHTING   AT   SEA     127 

for  they  recognise  no  other  religions  than  these  in 
Hindustan.  I  seized  the  opportunity  to  tell  them 
a  little  about  our  faith. 

The  other  matter  was  that  one  day  Rajah  Jai  Singh 
asked  me  whether  in  Europe  there  were  armies,  wars, 
and  squadrons.  I  replied  to  him  that  the  braver}' 
with  which  the  Farangis  fought,  of  which  I  was  an 
example,  sufficed  to  show  him  that  we  in  Europe  knew 
what  war  and  fighting  meant.  We  were  accustomed 
to  fight  in  two  ways :  one  by  sea,  the  other  by  land. 
That  upon  the  sea  took  place  thus : 

A  number  of  planks  are  joined  together  by  rails  in 
the  form  of  a  large  enclosed  house,  with  many  cannon 
in  tiers.  Entering  into  the  said  house,  the  soldiers 
attach  huge  cloths  to  masts,  and,  driven  by  the  winds, 
these  serve  to  put  the  said  house  in  motion.  The 
course  is  regulated  by  a  large  plank  fixed  on  the 
house,  and  capable  of  movement  from  one  side  to 
another.  In  this  way,  with  good  matchlocks,  pistols, 
and  swords,  and  a  sufficient  supply  of  food,  of  powder, 
and  of  ball,  they  set  out  in  search  of  their  enemies. 
When  they  encounter  one,  the  fight  begins  with  the 
firing  of  cannon,  which  breaks  the  masts  or  makes 
holes  in  the  said  houses,  allowing  entrance  to  the 
water.  But  those  who  are  within  assemble  and 
with  skill  plug  the  hole.  For  this  they  always  have 
materials  read}'. 

Meanwhile  some  attend  to  the  vessel,  and  others 
fight  without  intermission.  The  dead  bodies  are 
thrown  into  the  sea,  so  that  they  may  not  hinder 
the  fight.  Nor  are  there  surgeons  wanting  to  aid 
the  wounded,  who  are  carried  to  a  room  specially 
set  apart.  As  their  courage  grows  hotter,  they  bring 
the  vessels  nearer,  emptying  all  their  matchlocks  and 
pistols,  until  at  length,  the  fight  waxing  still  fiercer, 
they  grapple  one  with  the  other;  then  the  sword- 
blows  scatter  streams  of  blood,  reddening  the  sea. 
There  being  no  mode  of  flight  for  the  fighters,  it  is 
therefore  necessary  to  conquer  or  die.  Sometimes  it 


128      EUROPEAN   MODE   OF   FIGHTING   ON   LAND 

happens  that  the  captain  who  is  losing,  resolving  not 
to  be  overcome,  orders  all  his  cannon  and  other  pieces 
to  be  double-shotted.  He  then  sets  fire  to  the  ship's 
magazine  of  powder ;  thus  he  destroys  himself  along 
with  the  others.  The  rajah  wondered  at  such  a  mode 
of  warfare,  and  it  seemed  to  him  very  hard  and  cruel 
that  a  man,  if  he  did  not  want  to  defend  himself,  could 
not  even  run  away. 

The  other  mode  of  fighting  was  on  land.  There  the 
foot  soldiers  were  separated  from  the  squadrons  of 
horse,  and  all  had  their  matchlocks  and  swords. 
Those  who  were  mounted  had  good  carbines,  pistols, 
and  swords.  When  I  was  giving  this  account,  finding 
some  pikes  or  spears  there,  I  exhibited  how  the  spear- 
men stood  in  front  of  the  companies  to  hinder  the 
cavalry  from  getting  in  and  throwing  into  disorder  the 
well-ordered  ranks  of  the  infantry.  Thus  the  battle 
would  commence  with  great  order  and  discipline,  the 
cavalry  helping  wherever  it  was  necessary  to  repress 
an  onslaught  of  the  enemy.  Many  a  thing  did  we  tell 
him  of  our  fighting  in  the  open  country.  Upon  this 
he  set  to  laughing,  assuming  us  to  have  no  horses  in 
our  country,  and  thus  we  could  know  nothing  of  fight- 
ing on  horseback. 

For  this  reason  we  agreed,  I  and  Luis  Beigao,  a 
French  surgeon,  Guilherme  (William),  an  Englishman, 
and  Domingo  de  Saa,  a  Portuguese,  who  had  formerly 
been  a  cavalry  soldier  in  Portugal,  to  give  the  next 
morning  during  the  march,  and  in  the  rajah's  presence, 
a  demonstration  of  our  mode  of  fighting  on  horseback. 
We  rode  out  with  our  carbines,  two  pistols  in  our 
holsters,  and  two  in  our  waistbelts,  and  carrying  our 
swords.  We  rode  two  and  two,  and  began  to  career 
about,  our  horses  being  excellent.  Then  first  of  all 
we  skirmished  with  the  carbine,  and  after  some  circling 
and  recircling,  letting  off  our  pistols  we  made  pretence 
of  flight  and  pursuit.  Then,  turning  round  and  making 
a  half-circle,  the  fugitive  attacked  the  pursuer  and  let 
off  his  pistol.  Thus  we  went  on  till  all  our  charges 


ARRIVAL   AT   AURANGABAD  129 

were  fired  off — of  course  without  bullets.  Then  laying 
hand  upon  our  swords,  we  made  gestures  as  if  giving 
sword-cuts,  which  the  others  parried. 

The  rajah,  who  was  on  his  elephant,  halted,  and 
when  our  display  was  finished  we  rode  up  and  made 
our  bow.  He  asked  what  meant  these  excursions  and 
alarms.  I  replied  that  purposely  we  had  done  this  to 
let  him  see  that  we  knew  how  to  fight  on  horseback 
in  the  European  way.  He  asked  me  several  times  if 
really  they  fought  like  that  in  Europe.  I  answered 
that  this  was  only  a  small  specimen.  We  would  show 
him  sport  when  it  came  to  reality,  observing  the  same 
order  ;  and  if  there  were  on  the  field  dead  men  or 
horses  we  should  ride  over  them  as  if  riding  on  a 
carpet,  and  make  no  account  of  them.  He  praised  our 
way  of  fighting,  saying  he  thought  it  a  sound  mode  of 
warfare,  and  he  should  like  to  form  a  troop  of  Euro- 
pean cavalry  if  I  could  obtain  them.  I  answered  that 
it  was  not  easy  to  get  so  many  men  in  Hindustan  who 
had  been  trained  in  our  wars.  He  then  gave  us  our 
leave  with  a  good  present,  and  thenceforth  thought 
more  of  European  nations,  who,  if  it  were  not  for  their 
drinking  habits,  would  be  held  in  high  estimation, 
and  could  aid  our  kings  to  carry  out  some  project 
in  those  lands. 

While  this  embassy  (to  Persia)  was  in  progress,  we 
were  marching  onwards  to  the  city  of  Aurangabad,  on 
reaching  which  we  joined  Shah  'Alam.  Sending  for 
me,  Rajah  Jai  Singh  ordered  me  to  go  as  envoy  to  the 
three  rajahs — that  is  to  say,  Ramanagar  (Ramnagar), 
Pentt  (Pent),  and  Chottia  (Chiutia),  who  are  petty 
rajahs  among  the  Hindus,  and  the  Portuguese  call 
them  kings  of  the  Colles  (?  Kolis).  It  was  through 
their  lands  that  Shiva  Ji  passed  on  his  way  to  attack 
Surat.  Rajah  Jai  Singh  gave  me  a  set  of  robes  and  a 
horse,  and  sent  with  me  thirty  troopers  and  infantry, 
also  a  considerable  sum  for  expenses.  My  orders 
were  to  go  to  these  rajahs,  and  tell  them  they  must 
give  their  word  not  to  take  the  side  of  Shiva  Ji,  nor 


i3o    MANUCCI   NEGOTIATES   WITH   PETTY   RAJAHS 

allow  him  passage.  He  (Jai  Singh)  must  declare  war 
against  them  in  the  name  of  the  Mogul  emperor,  if 
they  did  not  take  up  arms  against  Shiva  Ji  and  em- 
brace the  cause  of  Aurangzeb.  As  security  for  their 
promise  they  must  come  in  themselves,  or  send  their 
sons  to  attend  on  the  court,  where  they  would  be 
assigned  pay  and  rank  befitting  their  condition. 

I  took  my  departure  on  this  deputation,  and  the 
first  person  I  visited  was  the  Rajah  of  Ramanagar, 
whose  territories  lie  amidst  frightful  hills  and  gloomy 
forests.  I  was  well  received  by  this  rajah,  who  invited 
me  to  take  a  rest  while  he  deliberated  on  what  he 
thought  it  was  best  to  do.  I  amused  myself  mean- 
while going  out  to  shoot  and  fish ;  nor  did  the  rajah 
fail  in  providing  pastimes  in  the  nature  of  plays  and 
games.  Meanwhile  he  was  corresponding  with  the 
other  two  rajahs,  whether  they  thought  it  suited  them 
to  take  the  Mogul  side  against  Shiva  Ji.  I  was  not 
backward  in  making  promises  and  using  threats, 
according  as  I  considered  it  appropriate.  Sometimes 
I  put  myself  into  a  passion  and  demanded  an  answer, 
else  I  would  be  off.  In  the  end  the  rajah  chose  the 
side  of  Aurangzeb,  giving  me  a  horse  and  a  sword. 
He  made  over  to  me  his  son  in  confirmation  of  his 
word. 

I  then  went  to  the  second  rajah,  where  I  was  re- 
ceived in  a  friendly  manner,  and  treated  just  as  I  had 
been  at  the  first  place.  He  petitioned  for  time,  feign- 
ing that  he  had  not  had  time  to  write  to  the  others. 
Here  I  received  many  honours  according  to  their 
custom — dances,  plays,  and  the  chase.  Finally  he  too 
gave  me  a  horse  and  a  sword,  and  delivered  to  me  his 
son  to  be  conducted  to  court.  But  this  tall  and 
robust  young  man  died  on  the  journey,  by  reason  of 
the  great  heat  of  the  sun,  which  inflamed  his  blood 
He  would  not  agree  to  be  bled,  as  I  counselled,  he 
not  trusting  me. 

Next  I  proceeded  to  the  third  rajah,  who  showed 
himself  recalcitrant.  But  finding  I  was  determined, 


SPELLS  AND   SORCERY  131 

he  set  to  work  to  conciliate  me.  Not  having  any  sons, 
he  made  over  to  me  his  brother  to  be  taken  to  court 
with  me;  he  then  bestowed  on  me  a  sword  and  a 
horse,  and  bade  me  farewell.  It  happened  that  at  this 
time  he  was  fighting  the  Portuguese  of  Damao 
(Daman),  so  I  arranged  matters  and  persuaded  them 
to  make  peace. 

Here  two  things  happened  to  me  that  I  wish  to 
recount,  so  that  inquiring  persons  may  learn  that 
these  people  are  much  given  to  sorcery.  I  had  a 
handsome  horse  that  Rajah  Jai  Singh  had  given  me. 
The  Rajah  of  Chottia  (Chiutia),  took  a  fancy  to  this 
horse,  and  requested  me  to  sell  it  to  him ;  he  would 
pay  me  one  thousand  rupees.  I  was  not  willing ;  but 
when  it  was  time  for  my  departure  the  horse  had  lost 
the  use  of  its  legs,  and  was  unable  to  move.  I  waited 
for  eight  days  without  any  good,  when  the  rajah  sent 
me  word  that,  though  the  horse  was  damaged,  he 
would  still  give  me  one  thousand  rupees.  In  a  rage  I 
started  from  the  place,  telling  my  people  that  if  within 
twenty-four  hours  the  horse  could  not  move,  to  cut  his 
throat  and  bring  the  hide  to  me.  Finding  me  so 
resolute,  the  rajah  sent  me  one  thousand  two  hundred 
rupees,  beseeching  me  not  to  order  the  horse's  throat 
to  be  cut,  but  to  content  myself  with  the  present,  and 
he  would  keep  the  horse  in  remembrance  of  me.  I 
contented  myself  with  taking  the  twelve  hundred 
rupees,  knowing  quite  well  that  if  I  did  not,  I  should 
lose  both  horse  and  rupees. 

Another  affair  happened  to  me  on  this  return 
journey  to  the  camp  with  the  hostages.  It  was  thus  : 
One  of  my  servants  passing  through  a  field  of  radishes, 
stretched  out  his  hand  to  pluck  one  out  of  the  ground, 
when  his  hand  adhered  in  such  a  fashion  to  the  radish 
that  he  could  not  take  it  away.  It  was  necessary  to 
find  the  owner  of  the  field  to  get  him  liberated.  This 
was  done,  and  after  taking  something  as  a  bribe,  and 
giving  him  a  beating,  the  owner  recited  some  words 
and  the  man  was  freed.  I  could  never  sufficiently 


132  MANUCCI   MEETS   SHIVA  Jl 

state  to  what  an  extent  the  Hindus  and  Mahomedans 
in  India  are  in  the  habit  of  practising  witchcraft.  I 
quite  well  know  that  if  I  were  to  recount  that  they 
can  even  make  a  cock  crow  in  the  belly  of  the  man 
who  stole  and  ate  it,  no  credit  would  be  given  to  me. 
Nevertheless,  the  truth  is  that  many  a  time  I  heard 
the  crowing  in  different  cases,  and  of  such  instances  I 
was  told  over  and  over  again. 

A  few  days  after  my  arrival  Shiva  Jf  gave  himself  up 
and  came  into  our  camp.  Since  I  went  at  night  to 
converse  and  play  (cards)  with  the  rajah  whenever  he 
so  desired,  it  happened  one  night  during  this  period 
that  we  were  having  a  game,  the  rajah,  his  Brahman, 
and  I,  when  in  came  Shiva  Ji.  We  all  rose  up,  and 
Shiva  Ji,  seeing  me,  a  youth  well  favoured  of  body, 
whom  he  had  not  beheld  on  other  occasions,  asked 
Rajah  Jai  Singh  of  what  country  I  was  the  rajah.  Jai 
Singh  replied  that  I  was  a  Farangi  rajah.  He  won- 
dered at  such  an  answer,  and  said  that  he  also  had  in 
his  service  many  Farangfs,  but  they  were  not  of  this 
style.  Rajah  Jai  Singh  wanted  to  do  me  honour,  and 
responded  that  as  a  rule  Nature  made  a  distinction 
between  the  great  and  the  humble,  and  I  being  a  rajah, 
she  had  given  me  a  mind  and  a  body  very  different 
from  those  of  others.  I  rose  to  my  feet  as  a  mark  of 
recognition  for  the  compliment,  and  made  the  appro- 
priate obeisance.  This  was  the  opening  which  afforded 
me  occasion  many  times  to  converse  with  Shiva  Ji, 
since  I  possessed,  like  anyone  else  in  the  camp,  the 
Persian  and  Hindustan  languages.  I  gave  him  informa- 
tion about  the  greatness  of  European  kings,  he  being 
of  opinion  that  there  was  not  in  Europe  any  other 
king  than  the  King  of  Portugal.  I  also  talked  to  him 
about  our  religion. 

During  this  advance  and  retreat  there  was  with  our 
army  the  Father  Damiao  Vieira,  a  Portuguese  expelled 
by  the  Jesuit  Fathers.  The  cause  of  his  appearance 
was  that  during  our  stay  below  the  fortress  of  Punagar 
(?  Puna-garh)  the  Hindus  of  Chawal  came  to  complain 


DIFFICULTIES   WITH   THE   PORTUGUESE       133 

to  Rajah  Jai  Singh  that  the  Portuguese  were  seizing 
forcibly  the  sons  of  the  Hindus  and  making  them 
Christians.  This  made  the  rajah  angry,  for  he  was 
zealous  in  the  Hindu  faith,  and  he  made  preparations 
to  send  a  force  against  Chawal. 

On  becoming  aware  of  this  I  gave  notice,  there  and 
then,  to  Ignacio  Sermento  at  Bassain.  He  was  chief  of 
the  northern  territory  of  the  Portuguese,  which  extends 
to  Damao  (Daman).  I  requested  him  to  send  someone 
as  envoy  with  some  presents,  and  I  would  arrange 
matters.  He  sent  this  padre,  with  a  young  Mahomedan 
in  his  suite.  He  brought  this  youth  expressly  to  get 
from  him  half  of  what  he  might  acquire,  as  being  well 
acquainted  with  the  territories  of  Chawal.  He  was 
clever  enough  to  secure  the  rajah's  taking  this  young 
man  into  his  service,  and  thus  they  shared  the  pay  in 
a  brotherly  manner.  I  spoke  to  the  rajah  and  pointed 
out  to  him  that  there  was  no  occasion  for  the  Hindus 
of  Chawal  to  complain,  since  what  the  Portuguese 
were  doing  had  gone  on  certainly  for  a  hundred  years, 
nor  did  they  make  Christians  of  anyone  but  orphans 
who  had  no  relations  forthcoming. 

The  padre  was  not  content  with  having  accomplished 
his  mission  with  somewhat  of  honour,  but  he  must 
needs  enter  on  warlike  proposals.  He  promised  the 
rajah  that  he  would  so  manage  that  the  viceroy  of  Goa 
should  give  aid  to  the  Moguls,  in  the  acquisition  of 
Bijapur.  Over  and  over  again  I  told  the  padre  that  it 
was  not  a  good  thing  to  enter  into  such  matters,  that 
he  had  much  better  withdraw  to  Goa.  For  the  King 
of  Bijapur  was  a  better  neighbour  to  the  Portuguese 
than  the  King  of  the  Moguls  would  ever  be.  The  latter 
having  conquered  Bijapur,  would  next  try  to  take  Goa. 
The  padre  was  not  pleased  with  my  views,  and  com- 
plained to  the  rajah,  so  that  the  rajah  said  to  me  one 
day,  without  giving  a  reason,  that  I  should  avoid 
meeting  the  padre.  After  the  business  had  been 
settled,  I  received  from  the  Portuguese  a  certificate 
signed  by  Ignacio  Sermento,  wherein  he  swore  on  the 

10 


t34  AT   BASSAIN 

Holy  Evangelists  that  I  had  done  great  service  to  the 
Crown  of  Portugal. 

We  got  to  Bfjapur  as  I  said,  and  there  we  beheld  the 
miracles  that  the  padre  had  promised  us.  We  were  to 
take  Bijapur  with  the  greatest  ease,  whereas  it  all  but 
happened  that  Sharzah  Khan  broke  all  our  heads. 
Therefore,  finding,  after  we  had  retreated,  that  we 
were  going  into  quarters,  I  began  to  long  for  a  life 
among  Christians ;  and  I  was  disgusted  at  the  conduct 
of  the  padre,  who  continued  to  live  on  in  the  army.  I 
asked  the  rajah  for  leave  to  resign,  as  I  wanted  to 
return  to  my  country,  and  I  put  forward  as  excuse 
that  I  wanted  to  get  married,  They  never  refuse 
anyone  leave  when  it  is  with  that  object.  The  rajah 
asked  his  Brahman  and  the  astrologers,  with  whom 
these  princes  are  always  well  provided,  if  he 
should  ever  see  me  again.  They  replied  that  we 
should  never  meet  again.  He  believed  that  I  was 
doomed  to  die,  but  he  reckoned  badly,  for  while  I 
got  back  to  the  Mogul  country,  he  was  left  dead  far 
from  home. 

On  my  taking  leave  he  gave  me  a  set  of  robes,  and 
something  by  way  of  a  present.  Upon  quitting  the 
army  I  went  into  a  village  belonging  to  the  Portuguese 
called  Camba  (Kambe)  close  to  Galiani  (Kaliyam)  and 
Beundi  (Bhiwandi)  in  the  country  of  Shiva  Ji.  In  this 
village  are  made  many  things  of  wood — handsome 
chairs,  sideboards,  bedsteads,  and  different  playthings. 
Here  I  stayed  for  several  days,  at  the  request  of  a 
friend  of  mine,  who  was  the  owner  of  the  village,  and 
he  kept  me  in  his  house  until  he  had  stolen  some  gold 
coins  I  had.  Thence  I  made  for  Bassaim  (Bassain, 
Wasai),  a  Portuguese  town,  there  to  pass  Lent,  and  I 
lived  outside  the  town.  I  was  very  near  losing  my 
life  here.  A  gentleman  (fidalgo)  asked  me  about  some 
fidalgos  of  the  Mello  family,  then  living  in  the  Mogul 
country,  who  had  been  banished  for  putting  to  death 
two  brothers  named  Medoncas  (?  Mendoza),  brothers- 
in-law  of  the  questioner,  on  the  accusation  of  treason 


AT  GOA  135 

to  the  Portuguese  Crown.  I  had  no  idea  that  he  was 
an  enemy  of  these  fugitives,  and  I  replied  that  they 
were  men  of  worth  and  honoured  gentlemen.  This 
sufficed  to  set  him  plotting  against  me,  and  he  sent  out 
men  to  assassinate  me.  But  it  was  God's  pleasure  that, 
when  coming  out  of  the  town  on  my  horse,  I  should 
meet  some  gentlemen,  who  requested  me  to  put  my 
horse  to  speed,  which  I  did  most  vigorously.  With  a 
pleasantry  I  took  my  leave  of  them,  and  spurred  my 
horse  into  a  gallop,  though  it  was  already  tired  out ; 
getting  my  sword  out  of  its  scabbard,  it  was  as  much 
as  I  could  do  to  get  hold  of  it,  seeing  that  my  horse 
would  hardly  let  me. 

But  here  we  must  admire  God's  providence,  who  had 
resolved  on  saving  me.  Here  was  I  galloping  my 
horse,  sword  in  hand,  when  I  came  up  with  four  men 
at  a  corner  round  which  I  had  to  pass.  They  stood 
there  waiting  for  me  with  naked  swords  ready  to  slay 
me.  But  guessing  that  I  had  been  already  warned, 
and  was  coming  at  them,  resolved  to  fight  to  the  death, 
they  were  in  fear  and  allowed  me  to  pass  without 
hindrance.  I  was  subsequently  informed  that  he  who 
had  laid  this  plot  for  me  was  the  fidalgo  to  whom  I 
had  praised  the  Mellos.  Thus  fearing  that  he  would 
lose  no  occasion  of  executing  his  evil  intent,  I  left  for 
Goa,  and  there  I  arrived  in  the  month  of  May,  one 
thousand  six  hundred  and  sixty-six  (1666).  Of  the 
place  itself  I  shall  have  much  to  say  presently,  but  the 
reader  must  first  permit  me  to  say  something  about 
my  own  stay  there. 

I  did  not  obtain  there  what  I  sought,  for  I  found 
myself  in  a  place  where  treachery  is  great  and  pre- 
valent, where  there  is  little  fear  of  God  and  no  con- 
cern for  strangers.  Not  that  I  can  complain  myself 
of  ill-treatment,  for  the  viceroy  desired  to  honour 
me  with  the  command  of  a  war-galley ;  but  since  I 
had  many  necessary  expenses,  and  I  was  not  rich 
enough  to  take  upon  myself  the  payment  of  the 
soldiers  and  sailors  from  my  own  pocket,  I  declined. 


136      TARDY  PAYMENT  OF  A  DEBT 

My  advice  to  the  viceroy  was  that  he  should  take 
great  care  not  to  let  the  Mogul  become  master  of 
Bijapur,  for,  on  finding  an  opportunity,  he  would 
use  all  his  strength  to  take  Goa,  as  was  his  usual 
practice. 

As  I  had  need  of  money  for  expenses,  I  went  several 
times  to  the  General  Ignacio  Sermento,  to  ask  for  the 
three  hundred  rupees  which  he  continued  to  owe  me 
for  certain  articles  that  he  had  asked  me  to  send  him 
when  I  was  in  the  Mogul  country.  Never  could  I 
succeed  in  getting  what  was  due.  At  length,  when 
he  was  about  to  start  for  his  government  of  Mozam- 
bique ,  I  begged  him  to  make  me  a  gift  of  the  three 
hundred  rupees— at  any  rate,  under  the  name  of  alms. 
As  a  foreigner,  I  had  no  remedy  against  him,  and  when 
he  heard  me  ask  for  charity  he  ordered  the  sum  to  be 
paid  me.  Thus  is  it  the  custom  of  certain  of  these 
gentlemen  to  pay  their  debts  after  wearying  out  their 
creditors.  I  was  very  fortunate.  Others,  in  place  of 
collecting  the  money  they  have  lent,  have  lost  a  limb, 
or  even  their  life.  I  do  not  want  to  talk  of  that,  for 
those  who  are  curious  may  ask  the  Portuguese  them- 
selves; there  are  among  them  men  of  sincerity,  as 
there  are  in  other  nations ;  such  men  can  tell  them 
more  than  I  dare  to  write  about  the  Portuguese  of 
India. 

I  stopped  in  Goa  a  year  and  three  months.  It  is 
a  place  with  a  climate  suited  to  men  from  forty  up 
to  old  age,  but  it  is  very  unhealthy  for  young  men. 
Thus,  a  few  months  after  my  arrival,  I  fell  ill,  and 
could  never  recover  my  health.  Therefore  I  retired 
to  the  convent  of  the  Italian  Carmelite  priests,  where 
I  was  well  received  and  attended  to  for  six  months, 
during  which  I  continued  unwell. 

The  viceroy,  when  I  arrived,  was  Antonio  de  Mello 
de  Castro,  who  died  afterwards  a  prisoner  in  Portugal, 
through  good  works  of  thieving,  et  cetera,  of  which 
he  had  been  guilty  in  India.  To  replace  him  came  Joao 


A  FRUITLESS  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  MASQAT     137 

Nunes  da  Cunha  ;  and  this  new  governor,  as  soon  as 
he  arrived,  undertook  a  great  expedition.  He  kept 
his  object  secret,  and  it  would  have  resulted  in  great 
honour  to  the  Portuguese  if  those  who  were  envious 
of  his  earning  this  glory  had  not  impeded  its  execution. 
There  came  from  Masqat,  a  fortress  on  the  Arabian 
coast  formerly  belonging  to  the  Portuguese,  which 
by  their  negligence  they  lost,  when  it  passed  into 
the  hands  of  an  Arabian  prince — there  came,  I  say, 
from  this  fortress  to  Goa  a  Portuguese  named 
Andre  da  Andrada,  who  was  commander  of  artillery 
there,  and  passed  for  a  Mahomedan.  This  man 
pledged  his  word  to  the  new  viceroy  to  deliver 
over  the  fortress  if  a  strong  fleet  appeared  before 
it  by  sea,  and  to  secure  that  end  he  would  spike 
the  guns. 

The  viceroy  took  up  the  proposal,  and  hired  a 
strong  fleet  of  good  ships  and  frigates  for  this  service. 
But  he  let  no  one  know  what  he  meant  to  do,  and 
from  this  secrecy  the  Dutch  dreaded  some  sudden 
blow  to  them,  as  J:hey  could  not  find  out  what  such 
preparations  were  meant  for.  By  the  distribution  of 
copious  bribes  in  all  directions  they  won  over  several 
of  the  officers.  The  viceroy,  being  desirous  of  equip- 
ping his  ships  well,  ordered  the  embarkation  by  force 
of  every  valid  man,  compelled  the  better  class  of 
Portuguese  from  the  northern  parts  to  come  to  Goa, 
and  directed  that  no  one  should  be  allowed  to  quit  the 
place.  Thus,  when  the  ships  were  well  fitted  out, 
he  made  over  sealed  instructions  to  the  captains  with 
the  order  not  to  open  them  until  arrival  at  a  certain 
latitude. 

Thus  the  fleet  set  sail  without  anyone  knowing  its 
destination.  But  the  bribed  pilots  and  captains  sailed 
hither  and  thither  with  the  ships  without  overcoming 
the  contrary  winds  until  they  reached  the  appointed 
latitude,  where  the  letters  of  instruction  were  opened  ; 
and  some  of  them  managed  secretly  to  tamper  with 
the  water-casks,  so  that  all  the  water  was  lost.  The 
10* 


138  MANUCCI    LEAVES  GOA 

fault  was  put  upon  the  viceroy,  who,  in  his  desire  for 
haste,  had  not  given  time  to  prepare  the  ships  properly. 
Thus  there  put  into  port  only  one  frigate,  which,  in 
obedience  to  orders,  anchored  at  Bandar  Congo,  on 
the  Arabian  coast,  a  Portuguese  territory  that  now 
belongs  to  the  King  of  Persia.  There  it  waited 
some  time  for  its  companions,  until  it  was  obliged  to 
return  to  Goa  to  avoid  capture  by  those  of  Masqat, 
who  profited  by  the  treason. 

At  the  time  of  this  expedition  I  was  anxious  to  quit 
Goa,  but  I  could  not  do  it  in  lay  clothing.  I  therefore 
left  in  the  garb  of  a  Carmelite  monk  until  I  got  beyond 
the  district  of  Goa  and  had  entered  the  territory  of 
Bijapur,  of  which  Shiva  Jt  had  already  taken  posses- 
sion. There  1  returned  to  my  ordinary  costume,  and 
placed  myself  under  the  guidance  of  Divine  Provi- 
dence. I  prayed  God  to  deliver  me  from  many  perils, 
above  all  from  robbers  ;  for,  a  little  time  before  my 
arrival,  they  had  at  a  certain  place  murdered  fifteen 
persons.  Nor  did  they  murder  me  as  I  passed  by,  but 
when  they  might  have  done  it  they  saw  me  to  be 
poor  and  a  foreigner.  A  few  paces  farther  on  I  met 
a  traveller  near  some  cattle  sheds,  who  was  escaping 
in  haste,  and  he  warned  me  to  press  onwards  because 
the  people  following  us  were  robbers ;  but,  weakened 
by  illness,  I  could  not  keep  up  with  the  pace  of  the 
man  who  was  acting  as  my  guide  in  a  country  I  did 
not  know.  I  passed  several  chungams,  which  are 
places  where  they  collect  money  from  people  passing. 
The  seventy  they  exercise  upon  travellers  is  great, 
depriving  them  of  the  smallest  piece  of  money  to  be 
found  on  them,  with  no  tenderness  for  the  poor, 
taking  from  them  in  default  of  money  their  shirts, 
coats,  and  sheets. 

Having  come  to  the  boundary  of  the  Bijapur  terri- 
tory near  the  river  Bimbra  (Bhima),  I  stopped  for  the 
night  in  a  village  called  Pandarapur  (Pandharpur),  and 
on  my  arrival  I  took  up  my  quarters  in  a  public  bazar, 
as  is  the  custom  of  travellers,  and  deposited  myself 


ATTACKED   BY   THIEVES  139 

in  an  open  shop.  Some  people  passing  said  my 
waist-cloth  was  crammed  with  pearls.  I  answered 
that  I  was  only  a  poor  traveller.  God  was  good  to 
me  that  night !  For  at  midnight  the  robbers  entered 
the  village,  and  the  first  thing  they  did  was  to  come 
to  the  shop  where  I  had  put  up.  As  they  began  by 
throwing  stones,  I  sought  refuge  inside,  dragging 
with  me  a  servant  boy  whom  I  had  with  me,  to  prevent 
his  being  killed.  They  did  not  venture  inside,  but 
shouted  to  me  to  fling  out  whatever  I  had,  thrusting 
with  their  spears  and  cutting  with  their  swords  at  the 
door.  I  assured  them  that  I  could  fling  nothing  out, 
for  I  was  a  poor  man,  having  nothing  with  me.  Such 
was  the  terror  that  throttled  me  that  I  could  not  utter 
a  word,  for  I  remembered  what  had  been  said  to  me 
that  evening,  that  I  had  a  waist-belt  full  of  pearls,  and 
I  believed  that  they  had  come  resolved  to  take  my  life ; 
therefore  I  threw  out  two  chains,  each  of  which  might 
be  worth  some  fifty  rupees.  They  made  off,  robbing 
the  bazar  and  killing  people,  so  that  there  was  great 
tribulation  in  the  village. 

Not  considering  myself  safe  in  that  shop,  I  sallied 
forth,  and  traversing  the  streets  I  reached  a  house 
where  I  halted,  and  finding  the  door  open  I  ascended 
some  steps  and  reached  a  terraced  roof.  Here  I 
fancied  myself  in  security.  But  the  owner  of  the 
house,  who  had  heard  the  outcry  in  the  village,  came 
out  of  his  room  with  sword  and  shield.  On  seeing  me, 
he  ordered  me  roughly  to  make  my  way  downstairs. 
I  told  him  I  was  a  foreigner  who  had  fled  from  the 
bazar,  where  the  thieves  had  robbed  me,  and  to  save 
my  life  had  taken  refuge  there,  finding  the  door  open. 
This  did  not  persuade  him  to  let  me  remain,  but  he 
insisted  on  my  departing.  I  was  content  that  he  even 
let  me  go  unharmed,  for  on  hearing  his  first  talk  I 
feared  much  he  was  about  to  finish  what  the  robbers 
had  begun. 

I  now  went  to  the  steps  of  a  temple,  where  many 
persons  had  taken  shelter  out  of  the  way  of  the  arrows 


140  NUTMEG   FOR   A   HORSE 

flying  about  the  streets  and  the  sword-blows  being 
distributed  in  all  directions.  Nor  was  it  without  some 
trouble  that  I  got  in  even  there.  Next  a  Brahman 
refused  to  let  me  stop,  thrusting  me  forth  by  force. 
But  God  repaid  him  for  his  want  of  charity,  for  while 
he  was  interfering  with  me,  there  came  an  arrow  and 
hit  him  on  the  leg,  and  I  was  rid  of  him.  The  thieves 
withdrew,  and  I,  too,  found  a  refuge  again  in  the  bazar, 
but  not  in  the  same  shop,  for  I  feared  greatly  they 
might  come  there  once  again.  I  spent  the  night  in 
the  discomfort  that  everyone  can  imagine.  At  dawn, 
feeling  much  afflicted,  I  chewed  a  clove,  washing  it 
down  with  a  little  warm  water,  whereupon  I  vomited 
several  clots  of  thickened  blood,  and  felt  relieved. 

I  continued  my  journey  up  to  the  crossing  on  the 
river  (?  the  Bhima).  Although  it  is  wide,  there  were 
no  boats ;  I  crossed  seated  on  a  small  bedstead 
attached  to  the  tops  of  four  pots.  I  then  reached 
Paranda  (Parenda)  in  the  Mogul  territory,  where  I 
came  across  my  friends  of  the  fortress  of  Bhakkar. 
They  took  compassion  on  my  poverty,  regaled  me, 
succoured  me  with  money,  clothes,  and  a  mount,  on 
which  I  resumed  my  travels  and  arrived  at  Auran- 
gabad. 

Travelling  is  a  teacher  of  many  things,  and  he  who 
wanders  without  learning  anything  can  only  be  said 
to  have  the  head  of  an  ass.  The  horse  given  me  by 
Manoel  Ribeiro  at  Parenda  had  only  arrived  a  few 
days  before  from  Dihli,  a  journey  of  forty-six  days, 
and  it  was  thus  much  out  of  condition.  It  happened 
one  day  that  my  servant  opened  his  bag  in  which  he 
had  a  nutmeg,  and  by  carelessness  he  left  this  nut  on 
the  ground,  and  the  horse  ate  it.  Next  day  on 
mounting,  I  noticed  ithat  he  was  much  more  lively 
in  his  gait.  I  did  not  know  the  cause  of  this  fresh- 
ness, then  I  remembered  that  he  had  eaten  a  nut  the 
night  before,  and  I  concluded  that  must  be  the  cause. 
Nor  was  I  wrong,  for  on  giving  him  each  day  one  nut, 
he  became  ever  more  ready  and  clever. 


AT  AURANGABAD,  AGRAH,  AND  DIHLl   141 

After  my  arrival  in  Aurangabad  I  lived  retired. 
This  was  the  time  at  which,  as  I  have  related,  Shah 
'Alam  was  busy  trying  to  get  hold  of  Shiva  Jf,  and  I 
was  informed  of  the  friar's  death  in  the  way  I  have 
recounted.  I  went  on  through  Burhanpur,  where  I 
found  several  friends  among  the  servants  of  Jai  Singh, 
all  disconsolate  at  the  death  of  that  great  general.  I 
felt  his  death  very  much,  although  I  had  no  intention 
of  re-entering  his  service,  for  I  wanted  to  start  as  a 
doctor.  Thence  I  went  on  to  Agrah,  where  I  visited 
the  Jesuit  Fathers,  and  reported  to  them  what  was 
going  on  at  Goa.  1  did  not  stay  long,  but  passed  on  to 
Dihli.  Thereupon,  on  learning  of  my  arrival,  there 
was  no  fail  of  women  who  proposed  marriage  to  me 
and  sent  me  cloth,  and  money,  and  banquets  of  food. 
One  of  them  sent  me  fifty  gold  coins  and  a  horse,  and 
handsome  stuff  to  make  me  clothes.  I  went  to  see 
Kirat  Singh,  the  younger  son  of  Rajah  Jai  Singh,  who 
in  remembrance  of  the  great  affection  his  father  held 
me  in,  and  which  he  continued  to  give  me,  gave  me  a 
set  of  robes,  two  horses,  and  five  rupees  every  day, 
and  a  handsome  house  to  live  in.  By  this  means, 
those  envious  of  my  good  fortune,  who  had  expected 
to  see  me  under  the  necessity  of  applying  to  them  for 
my  expenses,  knowing  that  I  was  out  of  service,  were 
in  amazement  at  seeing  me  well  dressed,  owning 
horses,  and  keeping  servants.  Any  foreigner  who  is 
out  of  employment  can  only  subsist  in  a  miserable 
fashion  in  that  country. 

I  lived  in  Dilh!  one  year  in  splendid  style,  having 
honourable  means  of  making  money.  Then,  by  the 
king's  order,  Kirat  Singh  went  to  Kabul,  and  I  deter- 
mined to  move  to  Lahor  and  give  myself  out  as  a 
doctor.  I  could  not  start  this  at  Dihli,  where  there 
were  already  some  Europeans,  while  in  Lahor  there 
was  none. 

On  reaching  Lahor  I  found  that  Muhammad  Amin 
Khan  was  governor,  Aurangzeb  having  kept  his 
promise  to  make  him  viceroy.  As  soon  as  I  arrived 


i42         MANUCCI   SETS   UP  AS   A   PHYSICIAN 

I  put  up  in  the  sarae  with  my  grand  carpets  and  my 
petty  establishment,  until  I  could  find  a  house.  I 
hired  one  belonging  to  Barqandaz  Khan,  my  com- 
mander in  Dara's  time,  and  1  instructed  my  servants 
to  inform  everyone  that  I  was  a  Farangf  doctor. 
Through  this  many  came  to  talk  with  me,  and  in 
return  I  had  no  want  of  words,  God  having  given  me 
a  sufficiently  mercurial  temperament.  Thus  it  began 
to  be  noised  about  in  Lahor  that  a  Frank  doctor  had 
arrived,  a  man  of  fine  manners,  eloquent  speech,  and 
great  experience.  I  rejoiced  at  such  a  reputation,  but 
my  heart  beat  fast,  for  then  I  had  had  no  experience. 
It  pleased  God  our  Sovereign  Lord  to  open  the 
door  to  me  with  a  case  furnished  to  me  by  His  Divine 
Providence. 

There  came  to  me  in  the  house  where  I  had  settled 
an  old  woman,  who  told  me  that  the  wife  of  the  qazi 
was  very  ill,  and  given  up  by  all  the  Persian  and 
Indian  physicians.  She  requested  the  favour  of  my 
proceeding  to  the  qazi's  house  to  see  the  woman,  and 
decide  whether  there  was  any  cure,  for  all  the  doctors 
had  said  that  if  anyone  cured  her  they  would  burn  all 
their  books  and  profess  themselves  disciples  of  him 
who  cured  her.  I  put  several  questions  about  the 
illness  of  the  woman  ;  I  told  the  messenger  to  return 
home,  and  I  would  follow,  saying  that  although  the 
complaint  seemed  mortal,  I  would  see  if  there  was  any 
remedy. 

I  mounted  my  horse  and  rode  to  the  qdzi's  house, 
followed  by  my  servants.  Entering  the  house,  I  felt 
the  patient's  pulse.  The  attack  was  growing  more 
and  more  severe,  and  no  pulse  could  be  felt,  nor 
could  I  find  out  the  seat  of  the  disease.  I  trusted 
more  to  several  secret  experiments  I  knew,  and  to 
my  questions.  I  racked  my  brains  to  think  of  some- 
thing I  could  give  the  patient  that  might  do  her  good. 
I  asked  her  if  she  had  been  relieved,  and  they  told 
me  that  for  days  she  did  not  know  what  thing  a 
motion  was.  This  sufficed  for  me  to  start  my  treat- 


MANUCCI'S   FIRST   PATIENT  143 

ment,  and  I  told  the  old  woman  that  the  only  thing 
was  to  administer  a  clyster.  The  old  woman  and 
the  patient's  son  were  much  opposed  to  this,  the 
Mahomedans  having  objections  to  this  treatment.  But 
the  patient  was  already  speechless.  I  said :  "  Agar 
zarurat  bayad,  rawa  bakhshad"  that  is  :  "  Necessity  has 
no  law,"  which  are  words  of  the  Quran.  Thus  they 
gave  in  to  my  resorting  to  this  treatment,  and  I  told 
the  old  woman  to  come  to  my  house  in  a  few  hours, 
and  I  would  give  her  all  that  was  required  for  the 
application. 

I  came  forth  from  this  house  leaving  an  excellent 
impression  from  my  many  questions  and  my  copious 
flow  of  talk.  But  now  came  the  moment  when  our 
Nicolao  Manuchy  found  himself  in  a  difficulty.  For 
I  knew  not  what  ingredients  I  must  employ,  nor  to 
what  implements  I  must  have  recourse  for  this  won- 
derful operation.  After  much  searching  of  heart, 
I  remembered  that  the  enemas  administered  to  me 
at  Goa  were  concocted  of  mallows,  wild  endive,  and 
some  other  herbs,  with  a  trifle  of  bran,  black  sugar, 
salt,  olive  oil,  and  Canna  fistula.  I  sent  out  for  these 
things,  and  made  a  concoction.  But  the  greatest 
difficulty  was  to  get  the  instrument.  For  this  I  sent 
and  got  a  cow's  udder,  and  for  the  tube  I  took  a 
piece  of  cane  from  a  huqqah  snake,  through  which 
the  Mahomedans  draw  their  tobacco.  I  managed  to 
put  these  together  in  a  manner  that  would  serve. 
1  placed  the  concoction  into  the  udder,  and  fastened 
the  tube  to  it.  Then  the  old  woman  came,  and  to 
her  I  made  over  the  injection,  teaching  her  how 
she  was  to  deal  with  it.  I  enjoined  on  her  to 
come  and  inform  me  when  the  operation  had  been 
performed. 

I  declared  to  her  that  if  in  a  period  of  three  hours 
the  enema  did  not  take  effect,  the  patient  had  no  hope 
of  life.  It  was  advisable  for  me  to  make  this  assertion, 
since  should  the  patient  die,  I  could  say  that  I  had 
foretold  the  result  as  inevitable.  This  was  necessary 


i44  SUCCESSFUL  TREATMENT 

to  keep  my  reputation  intact.  Off  went  the  old 
woman,  and  my  heart  began  to  beat  hard,  not  know- 
ing what  effect  the  medicine  might  have.  Soon  I 
heard  a  knocking  at  my  door  as  by  one  in  haste.  My 
anxiety  was  redoubled.  It  might  be  the  news  of  the 
patient's  death,  through  which  I  should  lose  the  repu- 
tation that  I  was  in  search  of.  For  the  Mahomedans 
easily  assign  one  a  reputation,  and  as  easily  take  it 
away.  A  happy  cure  at  the  start  suffices  to  give  the 
greatest  credit,  even  if  the  cure  be  a  mere  accident. 
On  the  contrary,  if  there  is  a  failure  in  the  first 
case,  even  when  the  doctor  is  exceedingly  learned 
and  experienced,  it  suffices  to  prevent  him  ever  being 
esteemed. 

I  sent  to  have  the  door  opened,  when  the  old 
woman  fell  at  my  feet  and  gave  me  blessings,  telling 
me  that  the  patient  had  already  begun  to  mend. 
Thus  she  urgently  prayed  me  to  visit  the  qazi's 
house  to  see  the  patient  and  continue  the  cure. 
Proud  and  elated  by  this  news,  I  told  her  how 
necessary  it  was  to  confide  in  experienced  physi- 
cians, that  if  I  had  not  given  her  this  medicament 
composed  of  ingredients  known  alone  to  me  the 
patient  was  bound  to  die.  I  went  and  found  that 
the  patient  had  already  begun  to  speak  and  recognise 
everyone  who  was  present.  She  was  very  different 
from  what  she  had  been  for  some  days,  for  they 
told  me  that  she  knew  no  one  and  could  not  speak. 
1  thought  it  advisable  to  discharge  nature  further,  so 
I  gave  her  a  light  medicine,  continuing  it  daily,  until 
the  system  was  well  cleansed.  Then,  with  chicken- 
broth  and  bezoar  stone,  I  began  to  strengthen  the 
patient  in  such  a  way  that  in  a  few  days  she  was 
restored  to  perfect  health. 

This  case  became  notorious  among  the  principal 
men  in  Lahor,  for  this  wife  was  much  loved  by  her 
husband  the  qazi^  so  that  he  had  called  in  all  the 
physicians  to  treat  her  disease.  Thus  there  began 
to  be  talk  of  the  Farang!  doctor  who  was  capable  of 


MANUCCI   AND    MUHAMMAD   AMlN    KijAN     145 

resuscitating  the  dead.  This  caused  me  to  be  called 
in  by  many  sick  persons ;  and  by  adhering  to  certain 
books  I  had,  I  succeeded  by  God's  favour  in  almost 
every  case  in  which  I  was  sent  for. 

My  fame  reached  the  court  of  Muhammad  Amin 
Khan,  governor  of  the  city  and  viceroy  of  the  province 
of  Lahor.  He  sent  for  me,  and,  after  a  long  conversa- 
tion on  the  subject  of  diseases  and  good  health,  he 
wanted  to  make  me  take  service  with  him,  offering 
me  little  pay,  but  great  liberty.  But  I  knew  the  style 
of  man — very  haughty,  far  from  genial,  just  like  the 
character  of  his  father,  Mir  Jumlah.  So  that  I  said 
that  as  to  becoming  his  servant  I  objected ;  still  I 
should  not  fail  to  appear  at  the  palace  whenever 
necessary,  either  for  himself  or  for  those  of  his  family. 
He  was  a  little  put  out  by  my  answer,  but  I  paid  no 
attention  to  that,  for  I  was  already  on  friendly  terms 
with  the  chief  people  in  the  city,  and  by  God's  bles- 
sing my  practice  was  successful.  Thus  I  knew  of 
a  certainty  that,  in  spite  of  Muhammad  Amin  Khan's 
desire  to  do  me  an  injury,  he  would  never  dare.  He 
would  not  give  such  an  opening  to  the  other  nobles 
to  make  complaint  of  him  at  the  court  of  Dihli.  On 
the  other  hand,  although  he  was  much  aggrieved  at 
my  not  frequenting  his  audiences,  he  betrayed  no 
anger,  for  he  saw  I  was  of  use  for  attending  his  wives 
and  sons.  There  happened  to  me  a  terrible  business 
at  the  time  of  his  departure  from  Lahor  for  Kabul 
(1670-71). 

This  was  the  year  in  which  Muhammad  Amin  Khan 
gave  me  a  lot  of  annoyance,  for,  having  been  ordered 
by  the  king  to  Kabul,  as  governor  in  place  of  Mahabat 
Khan,  he  wanted  to  take  me  with  him  by  force.  I 
made  my  excuses,  saying  I  did  not  wish  to  leave 
Lahor. 

He  left  with  his  retinue,  and  finding  that  neither  by 
promises  nor  by  threats  could  I  be  made  to  follow 
him,  he  ordered  me  to  be  carried  off  by  force.  Thus  I 
travelled  with  him  for  three  days  as  far  as  Little 


146     MANUCCI    AND   MUHAMMAD    AMlN    KHAN 

Gujarat,  crossing  the  river  of  Lahor  and  the  river 
Chinab.  He  acted  thus  not  only  from  his  desire  to 
keep  me,  but  also  because  his  wife  so  willed  it.  She 
went  the  length  of  unveiling  before  me  her  daughter's 
face  (a  most  unusual  thing  among  them),  and  said  to 
me  that  if  I  would  not  go  for  her  sake,  at  the  least  I 
might  for  her  daughter's,  whom  I  had  brought  back 
to  health  when  she  was  very  ill.  I  had  come  thus  far, 
but  never  forsook  the  project  I  intended  to  carry  out ; 
for  he  who  serves  by  compulsion  can  never  be  satis- 
fied. Thus,  the  marches  being  at  night  on  account  of 
the  heat,  I  turned  back  without  saying  a  word  to  any- 
one except  an  Englishman,  whom  I  told  I  was  going 
to  the  town  of  Little  Gujarat  to  buy  some  medicines, 
and  if  Muhammad  Amin  Khan  should  ask  him  about 
me,  he  was  to  give  that  answer. 

That  nobleman  had  given  an  order,  that  no  one  was 
to  be  allowed  to  cross  to  the  other  side  of  the  river, 
permitting  nothing  to  remain  on  our  side  except  the 
ferry  boat,  for  conveying  the  couriers  to  and  from  the 
court ;  but  I  so  took  my  measures  that  this  boat  was 
forced  to  carry  me  across,  for,  as  I  approached,  I  sent 
my  servants  to  take  possession  of  the  boat  and  keep 
it  until  I  arrived.  I  came  up  and  ordered  the  boat- 
men to  convey  me  across,  pretending  I  was  a  courier 
from  Mahabat  Khan  to  the  court.  As  soon  as  I  had 
passed  the  river  it  began  to  dawn,  and  I  met  a  body 
of  Muhammad  Amin  Khan's  people.  When  they 
asked  me  where  I  was  going,  I  answered  angrily  that 
Mirza  'Abdullah  being  unwell  the  prince  had  sent  me 
to  treat  him.  Thus  I  got  past  them.  I  reached  Lahor 
by  fast  travelling  before  he  could  overtake  me  on  the 
way. 

But  Muhammad  Amin  Khan  planned  a  piece  of 
treachery  for  my  destruction.  This  consisted  in  writ- 
ing to  Gitar,  commander  of  the  fort  and  provisional 
governor,  to  his  own  agent  (?  wakil],  to  the  kotwal,  and 
to  the  gdzi,  requiring  them  to  forward  me  to  his  camp. 
If  I  refused,  they  were  to  charge  me  with  having 


MANUCCI   FALSELY   ACCUSED  OF  THEFT       147 

stolen  from  him  five  lakhs  of  rupees.  They  knew 
quite  well  it  was  a  false  accusation,  but  Muhammad 
Amin  Khan  being  a  great  man,  they  did  not  hesitate 
to  do  everything  possible  to  have  me  seized.  But  I 
was  not  asleep,  and  I  was  tolerably  versed  in 
Mahomedan  tricks,  for  they  stick  at  nothing  to  gain 
success  in  their  desires.  Therefore  I  did  not  stay  in- 
side Lahor  at  my  house,  but  hid  myself  in  the  gardens, 
moving  about  from  one  place  to  another  in  disguise. 
This  went  on  for  forty  days,  and  proclamation  was 
made,  that  anyone  knowing  where  I  was  hid  and  dis- 
covering me,  would  be  highly  rewarded,  and  whoever 
concealed  me  in  his  house  would  be  compelled  to  pay 
the  five  lakhs  of  rupees  robbed  by  me  from  Muham- 
mad Amin  Khan. 

At  this  time  Fida,e  Khan,  who  was  to  succeed 
Muhammad  Amin  Khan  as  governor,  was  approaching. 
He  was  his  predecessor's  enemy.  In  advance  of  his 
own  arrival  he  sent  two  hundred  cavalry,  conveying 
letters  to  the  provisional  governor,  the  kotwdl,  and  the 
qazi,  telling  them  to  carry  on  the  government  in  his 
name  until  he  should  arrive.  At  each  court  of  justice 
was  posted  one  of  Fida,e  Khan's  troopers  to  act  as 
witness,  and  verify  everything  that  took  place.  When 
I  knew  this  I  came  boldly  into  Lahor,  and  had  an 
interview  with  the  trooper  who  attended  the  kotwdl's 
court,  also  with  the  man  posted  at  the  deputy  gover- 
nor's, telling  them  my  story.  Both  men  pledged  me 
their  word  that  they  would  help  me,  but  I  told  them 
not  to  take  action  until  they  saw  me  being  taken 
away  by  force  to  Muhammad  Amin  Khan.  Secure  of 
their  aid  if  anything  happened  to  me,  I  returned  to 
my  house.  The  kotwdl  and  the  other  officials  were  in 
fear  of  Muhammad  Amin  Khan,  so  the  kotwdl  sent  for 
me  and  locked  me  up  in  prison,  and  three  times  on 
three  different  days  he  asked  me  in  public  audience 
whether  I  would  willingly  go  to  Muhammad  Amin 
Khan  or  not.  On  my  saying  resolutely  that  I  would 
not  go,  he  said  that  as  Muhammad  Amin  Khan  had 


148         HE   IS   PROTECTED   BY   FIDA,E   KHAN 

accounts  to  go  into  with  me,  I  must  be  forced  to  go. 
My  reply  was  that  I  had  no  sort  of  account  with  him, 
nor  knew  I  aught  about  his  jewels,  for  I  was  no 
official  of  his  household,  but  only  a  Frank  surgeon  to 
whom  jewels  would  not  be  made  over.  Seeing  me 
thus  firm,  he  too  spoke  resolutely,  at  the  instigation 
of  Muhammad  Amfn  Khan's  wakil,  declaring  that  I 
must  absolutely  go. 

They  had  already  removed  me  from  the  audience, 
and  were  making  me  mount  into  a  carriage  prepared 
for  that  purpose,  when  the  trooper  whom  I  had 
already  made  my  friend,  announced  openly,  that  if 
they  wished  to  send  me  they  might,  but  hereafter 
Fida,e  Khan  would  have  something  to  say  to  them, 
he  having  given  special  instructions  for  Hakim  Nicco- 
lao,  the  Frank,  to  be  looked  after,  he  being  his  (Fida,e 
Khan's)  private  doctor.  He  called  on  everyone  to 
bear  witness,  how  he  had  made  requisition  on  his 
master's  behalf.  Upon  hearing  this  the  kotwal  got 
into  a  fright  and  sent  for  me  once  more,  and  said  to 
me  in  a  loud  voice  that  the  trooper  had  made  requisi- 
tion on  behalf  of  Fida,e  Khan,  but  the  law  demanded 
that  at  the  very  least  I  should  produce  bail  for  m}' 
person,  so  as  to  be  able  afterwards  to  justify  itself 
against  a  claim  by  Muhammad  Amfn  Khan. 

Sureties  were  not  wanting  who,  knowing  the  truth, 
were  willing  to  bind  themselves  for  me.  But  neither 
the  kotwal  nor  the  wakll  would  accept  them  as  bail, 
warning  them  that  in  this  way  they  would  have  to 
defend  themselves  from  Muhammad  Amm  Khan,  a 
violent  and  powerful  man.  Thus  it  came  to  pass,  that 
all  of  them  were  afraid  to  do  what  they  wished,  until 
at  last  a  Hindu  turned  up,  who,  in  defiance  of  Muham- 
mad Amfn  Khan,  became  surety,  I  giving  him  an 
indemnity,  and  thus  I  was  free. 

Meanwhile  Mirza  $alih,  the  son  of  Fida,e  Khan, 
arrived.  I  visited  him  and  paid  my  respects,  having 
beforehand  had  some  good  words  said  to  him  about 
me,  for  1  was  tolerably  well  known  in  Lahor.  In  this 


MANUCCI  AND  MAHABAT  KHAN      149 

way,  when  Fida,e  Khan  himself  subsequently  arrived, 
he  (Mirza  Salih)  presented  me  to  his  father,  by 
whom  I  was  well  received.  I  presented  to  him  a  box 
full  of  an  electuary.  He  sent  for  the  kotwal,  and  told 
him  to  take  good  care  that  no  one  interfered  with  me, 
and  he  also  gave  me  his  word  to  be  favourable  to  me. 
This,  of  a  truth,  he  was  as  long  as  he  lived,  and  that 
too  in  things  of  great  importance. 

AURANGZEB    HAS    MAHABAT    KHAN    POISONED 

He  (Aurangzeb)  ordered,  as  I  have  said,  that  poison 
should  be  given  to  him  secretly ;  and,  since  he  was 
on  his  way  to  Lahor,  they  told  the  king  there  was 
in  that  city  a  Frank  physician  who  might  cure  him. 
For  this  reason  there  came  to  me  a  letter  without  any 
name,  which  stated  that  in  no  way  must  I  afford  aid 
to  Mahabat  Khan.  He  who  brought  me  the  letter, 
a  man  unknown  to  me,  took  me  by  the  hand,  and, 
pressing  it,  said  I  must  pay  great  heed  to  the  letter, 
and  not  to  act  to  the  contrary,  and  then  off  he  went. 

Knowing  that  Mahabat  Khan  was  on  his  way,  and 
being  on  friendly  terms,  I  sent  out  to  him  a  present 
of  some  good  spirits,  that  I  had  prepared  myself.  His 
doctor,  who  had  the  order  to  give  him  the  poison, 
seized  the  opportunity  for  my  ruin  and  his  own  pre- 
servation. On  the  day  that  the  Nawab  drank  my  wine 
he  gave  him  the  poison  in  an  elixir,  such  as  the 
Mahomedans  are  accustomed  to  take.  Mahabat  Khan 
found  himself  troubled  with  sharp  pains,  and  suspected 
that  there  must  be  poison  in  my  spirits,  and  that  I  had 
acted  thus  at  the  instigation  of  Fida,e  Khan,  his  enemy. 
He  sent  to  fetch  me  in  the  greatest  haste,  just  as  I 
was  ready  to  go  out  for  a  stroll.  At  once  I  suspected 
something.  I  jumped  on  my  horse  and  went  off  to 
him,  he  being  eighteen  leagues  away. 

Entering  the  tent,  I  found  everyone  in  astonish- 
ment, for  they  had  the  idea  that  I  would  never  come, 
being,  as  they  asserted,  the  culprit.  He  ordered  the 
tent  to  be  prepared  for  me,  and  a  good  supper,  sending 
ii 


150  DEATH   OF   MAHABAT   KHAN 

to  entertain  me  several  of  his  nephews,  great  friends 
of  mine ;  also  a  captain  called  Mirak  Ata-ullah.  This 
man  was  to  spy  upon  me,  and  see  if  I  spoke  with 
any  sign  of  fear  or  surprise ;  but,  as  I  was  quite 
innocent,  I  spoke  in  my  usual  manner.  Next  morning 
1  went  to  see  Mahabat  Khan  again,  and  I  asked  him 
if  he  had  tested  the  spirits  that  I  had  sent,  and  he  said 
he  had.  Thereupon  I  prayed  the  favour  of  his  giving 
me  a  drink  of  it.  They  brought  me  the  bottle  from 
which  he  had  drank.  I  drank,  and  after  I  had  done  so 
I  gave  some  to  his  nephews,  who  praised  the  liquor.  I 
did  this  to  let  him  be  satisfied  that  it  was  not  my  liquor 
that  had  made  him  bad,  but  some  other  thing.  I  re- 
mained with  him  in  talk  a  long  time,  and  he  observed 
that  the  spirits  did  neither  me  nor  his  nephews  any 
harm.  He  then  invited  me  to  treat  him.  I  made  excuse, 
saying  that  he  was  provided  with  his  own  doctor,  a 
very  wise  man,  and  that  I  was  not  acquainted  with 
that  disease.  Thus  I  remained  with  him  nineteen 
days,  and  he  detained  me  to  find  out  if  the  spirits  we 
drank  did  any  harm,  either  to  me  or  his  nephews. 
He  was  obliged  to  let  me  go  without  being  able  to 
find  from  me  whether  he  had  poison  in  his  inside  or 
not.  At  my  departure  he  conferred  on  me  a  set  of  robes, 
and  sent  the  same  captain  with  twenty  horsemen  to 
escort  me,  so  that  his  men,  who  thought  me  the  cause 
of  his  illness,  should  not  harm  me.  He  died  a  few 
days  afterwards  of  fetid  discharges,  a  sign  that  his 
bowels  were  ulcerated. 

Hardly  had  I  reached  Lahor  when  a  terrible  affair 
happened.  This  was  that  the  holy  man  of  Balkh,  to 
whom  Aurangzeb  had  married  the  daughter  of  Murad 
Bakhsh,  went  mad.  I  was  treating  him  as  such.  But 
Fida.e  Khan,  being  away  at  Peshawar,  Amanat  Khan 
was  in  his  place.  He  listened  to  the  proposals  of 
the  sorcerers,  who  said  that  the  holy  man  was  possessed 
by  a  demon,  and  not  mad.  I  was  obliged  to  abandon 
the  treatment,  Amanat  Khan  being  aggrieved  that  I 
had  taken  on  myself  to  treat  a  royal  connection  with- 


CALL  TO  ATTEND  MURAD  BAKHSH'S  DAUGHTER  151 

out  first  of  all  consulting  him.  My  answer  was  that, 
being  by  profession  a  medical  man,  I  went  to  the 
house  of  anyone  who  sent  for  me,  without  making 
any  distinctions ;  but  since  he  did  not  approve  of  my 
continuing  the  treatment,  I  would  that  very  hour  quit 
the  house  and  the  patient. 

It  happened  that  a  few  days  afterwards,  the  sorcerers 
assuring  him  that  the  man  was  now  sane  and  had  no 
longer  a  demon  in  his  inside,  they  allowed  him  to  go 
for  a  walk  with  the  princess  and  her  ladies.  Having 
a  dagger  in  his  waist-belt,  he  drew  it,  and,  seizing  the 
princess,  stabbed  her  beneath  the  ribs  towards  the  side. 
When  the  ladies  and  the  eunuchs,  on  hearing  her 
cries,  ran  to  the  spot,  he  killed  one  woman  with  the 
same  dagger,  and  wounded  another  in  the  arm.  After 
this  he  jumped  into  the  reservoir,  playing  (bailando) 
with  the  dagger,  and  other  obscenities.  Then  they 
carried  away  the  princess  in  a  palanquin  as  speedily 
as  possible  to  the  palace,  and  a  eunuch  came  careering 
on  horseback  to  my  house.  I  was  urged  to  make  all 
haste  ;  I  knew  not  why  or  wherefore.  I  sent  an  order 
to  harness  my  carriage  for  us  both  to  go  together. 
But  I  could  not  extract  from  his  mouth  where  it  was 
necessary  to  go,  until  at  last  he  told  me  to  carry  with 
me  the  remedies  for  the  treatment  of  a  wound  that 
the  holy  man  had  inflicted  on  the  princess.  I  protested 
that  I  could  not  go  without  the  permission  of  the 
governor,  because  the  princess  was  of  royal  blood, 
nor  could  I  treat  her  without  the  king's  orders.  He 
paid  no  heed  to  those  words,  and  most  urgently  en- 
treated me  not  to  delay,  for  the  princess  was  in  danger 
of  death.  He  then  told  me  the  whole  story. 

We  started  in  the  carriage,  and  he  made  out  I  was 
drunk,  ordering  the  carriage  to  be  driven  with  all 
speed,  stopping  for  neither  hucksters'  stalls  nor  people. 
Everybody  was  amazed  to  see  a  Frank,  who  usually 
went  by  rather  quietly,  rush  past  so  desperately. 
We  reached  the  palace,  and,  on  being  told  the  facts 
as  to  the  wound,  I  feared  a  lesion  of  the  bowels.  How- 


152  THE   PRINCESS   RECOVERS 

ever,  continuing  my  inquiries,  I  found  that  the  wounds 
were  not  mortal.  I  did  my  utmost  to  get  an  examina- 
tion before  I  began  the  treatment;  but  the  Mahomedans 
are  very  touchy  in  the  matter  of  allowing  their  women 
to  be  seen,  or  even  touched,  by  the  hand  ;  above  all, 
the  lady  being  of  royal  blood,  it  could  not  be  done 
without  express  permission  from  the  king.  Thus  an 
examination  was  impossible.  But  I  ordered  them  to 
describe  the  wound,  and  I  had  the  dagger  brought, 
and  I  saw  that  it  was  only  by  God's  grace  that  it 
had  not  cut  the  bowels.  I  made  my  tents  and  plasters, 
mixing  in  them  a  balsam  which  I  made ;  and,  since  the 
persons  in  the  service  of  these  great  people  are  in- 
telligent, I  instructed  them  as  to  what  they  had  to  do. 
By  God's  help  the  treatment  succeeded,  and  in  eleven 
days  I  healed  her  completely. 

When  for  the  first  time  I  applied  the  medicine  I 
went  to  the  governor  and  reported  the  facts.  This 
was  to  prevent  his  expressing  surprise  afterwards,  on 
hearing  such  news,  and  becoming  frightened  that  the 
king  would  remark  on  the  want  of  care  with  which  he 
had  guarded  a  man  who  had  been  declared  mad.  He 
entreated  me  earnestly  to  make  my  best  efforts  to  cure 
the  princess.  Meanwhile  he  wrote  to  the  king  about 
the  case,  and  told  him  that  a  demon  had  entered  the 
body  of  the  holy  man,  and  the  princess  had  been 
mortally  wounded  with  a  dagger.  But  a  Frank  doctor 
named  Hakim  Niccolao  had  attended  her,  and  held 
out  hopes  that  she  would  be  well  in  a  short  time. 
This  event  brought  me  to  the  notice  of  many  nobles 
who  were  in  the  camp.  For  on  the  matter  becoming 
public,  my  friends  wrote  to  their  acquaintances,  and 
the  princess  herself,  as  soon  as  she  was  well,  wrote  to 
the  king  that  1  had  perfectly  restored  her,  and  she 
gave  me  a  handsome  present. 

Another  case  occurred  which  made  me  famous 
throughout  the  kingdom.  It  was  as  follows:  Fida,e 
Khan  ordered  the  beheadal  of  a  powerful  rebel,  who 
plundered  in  all  directions  in  the  king's  territories ;  he 


USE   OF    HUMAN    FAT   AND    FLESH  153 

was  brother-in-law  of  the  qdzl  of  Labor.  His  name 
was  Theka  Araham  (?  Thfka,Arain)  a»cl  he  was 
extremely  fat.  I  thought  it  was  a  good  chance  of 
laying  in  a  stock  of  human  fat,  procuring  it  from  the 
man  and  his  companion,  who  also  was  very  obese. 
I  spoke  to  Fida,e  Khan,  pointing  out  the  necessity  I 
was  under  of  having  this  medicament.  As  the  oppor- 
tunity was  favourable,  would  he  give  orders  to  remove 
the  fat  from  these  two  condemned  men  ?  He  then 
ordered  the  kotwal  to  have  this  done,  and  in  com- 
pliance with  the  order,  men  were  sent  to  carry  out 
the  operation.  I  thus  acquired  eighteen  sirs — that  is, 
five  hundred  and  four  ounces  purified. 

This  matter  caused  great  talk  in  the  city,  and  the 
qazi,  assembling  many  of  the  learned,  sent  men  to 
complain  to  the  king  against  Fida,e  Khan,  for  pro- 
tecting a  Frank.  On  his  behalf  he  had  committed  the 
sacrilege  of  removing  the  fat  of  a  Mahomedan,  a  man 
who  read  the  Quran  and  yet  had  been  thus  afflicted. 
According  to  the  strict  law  the  Frank  deserved  to  be 
burnt,  but  as  Fida.e  Khan  declined  to  listen  to  argu- 
ment, they  were  forced  to  come  to  His  Majesty  to 
present  a  complaint  and  demand  justice. 

I  was  warned  of  the  plot,  and  spoke  to  Fida,e  Khan 
about  the  qazi's  intentions.  He  sent  at  once  a 
messenger  to  court,  to  report  that  the  population  of 
Lahor  were  restless,  and  if  there  came  any  complaint 
about  the  beheaded  man,  Thlka,Arain,  it  must  not  be 
listened  to,  for  the  qdzi  and  others  had  been  his  sup- 
porters. This  was  enough  to  secure  that  on  the 
arrival  of  the  complaint  at  court,  where  many  had 
clad  themselves  in  mourning  to  present  the  petition, 
the  king  should  send  them  away  after  saying  very 
little,  with  the  remark  :  "  Caziey  zemi,  bessare  zemi  " 
(Qazaya-i-zam\n  bar-sar-i-zamin).  This  means:  " Cases 
about  land  are  settled  on  the  land  itself."  Thus  I  was 
left  unharmed  for  that  once,  and  freed  from  a  great 
persecution  that  would  have  cost  me  my  life. 

God   was   pleased   to   deliver  me    once  more   after 


154  USE   OF   HUMAN   FAT  AND   FLESH 

several  months.  For  there  came  a  relation  of  the 
beheaded  man  expressly  to  kill  me.  By  a  lucky 
chance  he  came  when  I  was  prescribing  for  the  sick, 
distributing  medicine,  adding  alms  for  those  in  want. 
He  came  into  my  dlwan  with  his  sword  and  shield, 
leaving  his  spear  and  horse  at  my  door.  Without  any 
salutation  he  sat  down  in  front  of  me  and  watched  my 
movements,  the  humanity  with  which  I  spoke  to  the 
sick,  and  the  liberality  with  which  I  succoured  the 
needy.  Nor  did  1  fail  from  time  to  time  to  observe 
the  face  of  this  new  guest,  without  knowing  either 
who  he  was  or  what  he  wanted.  I  wondered  at  his 
wrathful  countenance,  his  head-shakings,  and  other 
signs  of  a  man  in  anger.  Having  got  rid  of  my 
patients,  I  asked  him  more  than  once  if  he  wanted 
anything  in  which  I  could  be  of  use,  but  he  returned 
no  answer.  At  length  there  being  no  one  else  left, 
he  asked  me  if  I  knew  the  cause  of  his  coming.  I 
replied  1  did  not.  He  said  he  had  come  resolved  to 
kill  me  because  I  had  removed  the  fat  from  his  uncle. 
But  finding  that  in  my  hands  it  was  being  well 
employed,  he  felt  satisfied  at  making  my  acquaintance. 
He  rose  to  his  feet,  refusing  to  eat,  or  take  betel,  or 
listen  to  my  words.  He  could  have  killed  me  quite 
safely,  but  God  was  pleased  to  change  his  intentions, 
in  reward  for  the  little  or  much  that  I  managed  to  do 
for  the  poor  who  were  in  ill-health. 

The  qazi  did  not  find  it  so  easy  to  forget  his  anger 
against  me.  Fida,e  Khan  did  not  stay  much  longer  in 
Lahor.  He  (the  qdzi}  then  sent  someone  for  me,  and 
on  my  presenting  myself  he  was  very  affectionate,  but 
did  all  he  knew  to  trip  me  up  in  my  talk.  He  began  a 
conversation  about  the  fat  of  his  brother-in-law,  asking 
me  if  ever  I  gave  such  fat  to  be  taken  for  a  medicine, 
and  for  what  complaints  it  was  used.  I  answered,  in 
ignorance  of  his  maliciousness,  that  fat  was  not 
administered  by  the  mouth,  but  served  simply  to 
make  ointments  in  nervous  disorders.  It  was  lucky 
that  I  answered  thus,  for  if  I  had  said  that  the  fat 


EUROPEANS   PERSECUTE   MANUCCI  155 

was  also  given  by  the  mouth,  it  would  have  been 
enough  to  afford  him  an  opening  for  planning  a 
fresh  persecution  against  me,  and  ordering  me  to  be 
tortured. 

It  appeared  to  him  most  barbarous  to  prescribe 
human  fat  to  be  taken,  imagining  I  did  this  to  make 
mock  of  the  Mahomedans,  by  getting  one  man  to  eat 
the  fat  of  another.  After  this,  I  fell  into  conversation 
with  him  and  discovered  his  malice,  and  saw  the  kind- 
ness God  had  done  me  in  making  me  reply  as  above. 
For  it  was  this  which  had  delivered  me  from  death. 
But  he  who  came  to  catch  me  got  caught  himself. 
On  his  demanding  of  me  some  remedy  for  a  cough  he 
had,  I  told  him  of  various  drugs ;  among  other  things 
I  said  that,  as  he  was  an  old  man,  human  "  myrrh " 
would  be  good.  He  answered  that  he  had  already 
taken  it,  but  it  had  done  him  not  the  least  good. 
Upon  this,  with  a  smile,  I  said  openly  to  him,  that  to 
me  it  did  not  seem  much  of  a  thing  to  give  human  fat 
through  the  mouth  by  way  of  medicine,  when  at  the 
same  time  he  had  no  scruple  in  eating  human  flesh 
and  fat.  For  that  is  what  is  meant  by  human 
"  myrrh."  He  also  could  not  help  laughing,  and  told 
me  that  such  medicines  were  to  be  taken  secretly 
only,  so  that  no  one  knew. 

This  persecution  was  bad  enough,  but  without  a 
doubt  the  Christians  persecuted  me  worse  than  the 
Mahomedans.  It  arose  from  their  envy  at  seeing 
me  with  name  and  fame,  whereas  at  the  place  where 
I  had  settled  down  I  had  done  no  harm  to  any  one  of 
them.  God  alone  knows  how  many  times  they  tried 
to  murder  me,  and  they  sent  men  to  steal  my  books, 
on  which  I  relied.  Finding  their  projects  had  no 
success,  they  made  up  their  minds  to  do  openly  what 
they  had  failed  to  do  in  hiding.  To  this  end  they  sent 
four  Europeans  of  various  nations  to  murder  me. 
Two  came  into  the  house  as  friends  and  began  to 
talk  to  me  ;  another  who  was  to  do  the  deed  stood  in 
the  doorway,  shouting  hoarsely  a  thousand  abusive 


156  ATTEMPTED   MURDER 

terms  at  my  servants ;  and  the  last  sat  on  his  horse 
with  his  pistols  ready,  to  back  up  what  was  going  on 
at  the  door.  Hearing  this  row  I  came  out,  begging 
the  disturber  to  hold  his  tongue  ;  he  might  come  in  if 
he  wanted  to,  but  if  he  did  not  come  in,  let  him  go  his 
way.  When  he  heard  this  he  fired  his  pistol,  which 
was  already  at  full-cock,  when  one  of  my  servants, 
grappling  with  him,  took  the  pistol  from  his  hand. 
He  drew  his  sword  to  defend  himself  from  the 
servants,  who  had  begun  settling  his  business  for 
him  with  thick  sticks,  applying  them  without  remorse 
to  him  and  his  servants  until  they  fled.  Then  I  recog- 
nised that  it  was  planned  treachery  and  ordered  one 
of  my  servants,  with  a  drawn  bow,  to  see  that  the 
one  on  horseback  should  not  move  his  hand  in 
the  direction  of  his  pistols ;  if  he  moved,  an  arrow 
was  at  once  to  be  let  fly  at  him.  Thus  terrorised,  he 
was  afraid  to  stir  or  to  assist  his  companion  who  was 
getting  his  beating.  I  told  the  others  with  their  bows 
and  arrows  to  watch,  without  a  word,  over  the  two 
men  in  the  house.  Meanwhile,  I  ordered  a  good 
thrashing  to  be  given  to  the  insolent  fellow.  While 
drawing  his  sword  to  defend  himself  from  the  servants 
he  cut  his  hand,  and  one  of  my  servants  seized  him 
round  the  body  so  violently  that  he  was  brought  to 
the  ground.  But  he  would  not  let  his  sword  be  taken 
away ;  I  therefore  ordered  them  to  give  it  to  him  well 
until  he  let  go  the  sword.  Seeing  that  he  still  clung 
to  it,  one  of  the  men  planted  one  foot  on  his  chest, 
and  so  crushed  it  that  he  had  to  give  up  the  sword. 
Thereupon  I  told  them  to  bind  him  and  carry  him  to 
the  magistrate.  But  the  man  on  horseback  dis- 
mounted, and  earnestly  begged  me  not  to  pass  this 
affront  upon  a  white  man.  His  petition  was  his 
undoing.  I  told  him  to  fall  at  his  protector's  feet. 
He  declined,  but  my  servants  by  thumps  and  holding 
his  neck  got  him  to  his  knees. 

Then  I  left  all   the  four,  and  rode  off  at   once  to 
Fida,e  Khan,  who  at  the  time  this  happened  was  in 


MANUCCI    AND   THE   PATHAN    WIDOW        157 

Labor.  He  recognised  that  I  had  good  reason  for 
anything  that  I  had  done,  and  sent  men  to  escort 
my  assailants  to  the  other  side  of  the  river  Chinab, 
and  on  the  road  he  who  was  the  leader  died.  I  will 
state  here  that  my  enemies  seized  this  occasion  at 
the  time  that  the  Europeans  of  the  army  were  on 
their  way  to  the  attack  on  the  Pathans,  since  being 
war-time  no  one  would  be  able  to  know  afterwards 
who  had  made  the  attempt.  But  God,  who  seemed 
to  cherish  a  special  desire  for  my  protection,  would 
not  permit  my  death  at  the  hands  of  those  who  wished 
to  do  so  on  the  quiet  by  entering  my  house  in  the 
guise  of  friends.  They  did  not  succeed  in  this  or 
other  treacheries,  but  my  enemies  managed  to  give 
me  poison,  from  which  I  escaped,  although  I  felt  its 
effects  for  some  years. 

So  great  was  the  name  that  I  had  of  being  fortunate 
with  the  cases  that  I  undertook  that  they  came  from 
many  places  distant  from  Lahor  to  call  me  in  to  visit 
patients.  This  was  of  great  profit  to  me,  even  to  the 
extent  that  many  wanted  me  in  marriage.  If  I  had 
been  of  little  wisdom  I  should  have  had  no  want  of 
marriage  proposals  of  exceptional  quality  among  the 
Mahomedans.  But,  thanks  to  God,  although  I  left 
home  a  mere  youth,  there  remained  ever  graven  on 
my  memory  the  good  teaching  of  my  parents. 

But  I  cannot  resist  telling  of  one  case  that  happened 
to  me  with  a  well-connected  widow  woman,  the 
daughter  of  Dindar  Khan,  Pathan.  On  one  occasion 
I  had  treated  one  of  her  sisters  at  Qasur,  twenty 
leagues  from  Lahor.  This  lady  was  present,  and 
took  such  a  fancy  to  me  that  she  wanted  to  marry 
me.  She  herself  spoke  to  me  about  it,  and  told  me 
she  would  make  her  own  arrangements  for  flight. 
At  first  I  paid  no  heed  to  these  things,  still,  seeing 
the  woman  so  determined,  and  she  being  rich,  well 
proportioned,  and  intelligent,  I  began  to  entertain 
the  idea  of  carrying  her  off  to  Europe  as  she  desired. 

The  agreement  was  that  she  should  give  sufficient 


158        MANUCCI   AND   THE    PAJHAN   WIDOW 

money  to  buy  a  big  ship,  on  which  would  b*e  placed 
the  bulk  of  her  wealth.  Then  she  would  pretend  that 
she  had  vowed  a  pilgrimage  to  Mekka,  would  obtain 
permission  for  this,  and  leave  home.  When  she  was 
on  her  voyage,  and  had  left  the  port  of  Surat,  I  with 
my  ship  was  to  fall  upon  the  vessel  going  to  Mekka, 
and  carry  her  off  with  me  to  Europe.  The  agreement 
was  in  process  of  execution,  but  she  was  not  suffi- 
ciently prudent.  She  roused  suspicions  of  her  affection 
for  me  by  forwarding  message  upon  message  by  an 
old  woman  in  her  service.  But  the  special  cause  for 
the  non-execution  of  the  agreement  was  a  Portuguese 
called  Joao  Rodrigues  de  Abreu.  After  having  done 
him  many  favours,  and  proved  him  sufficiently  faithful, 
I  confided  our  plans  to  him,  intending  to  take  him 
along  with  me.  But  he  did  not  act  in  correspondence 
to  my  friendship,  for  he  went  off  and  told  Misri  Khan, 
who  was  a  suitor  for  marriage  with  the  same  woman. 

Discovering  thus  the  agreement  we  had  made,  and 
the  friendship  of  the  said  widow,  which  she  had  de- 
clared by  sending  me  messages  with  valuable  presents, 
Misri  Khan,  through  fear  of  Fida,e  Khan  and  other 
nobles  who  were  very  fond  of  me,  was  content  not 
to  do  me  any  harm,  or  send  men  to  murder  me,  but 
only  wrote  me  a  letter  in  which  he  said  that  he  knew 
quite  well  why  Jam  Btbf,  the  widow's  maidservant, 
came  so  often  to  my  house,  but  he  saw  quite  well 
that  what  I  was  doing  would  in  the  end  cost  me  my 
life.  I  pretended  I  did  not  understand  the  letter,  and 
replied  that  Jani  Bib!  came  and  went  as  if  she  were 
my  mother.  If  it  displeased  him  that  she  came  to 
my  house  he  had  only  to  tell  her  not  to  go  again. 
By  this  means  I  found  out  we  were  already  discovered. 
When  Jani  Btbi  came  I  asked  her  to  inform  her 
mistress  that  it  was  no  longer  safe  to  come,  and  she 
must  conceal  everything  or  she  would  cause  my  death. 
On  finding  that  her  project  could  not  succeed,  the 
widow  married  Misri  Khan,  but  only  lived  for  eight 
days  after  her  marriage.  If  I  had  been  like  many 


THE   EUNUCH   DAULAT  159 

Europeans  in  the  Mogul  country  and  Hindustan,  I 
should  have  accepted  the  money  that  she  wanted  to 
give  me  for  buying  the  ship,  then  taken  flight  for 
Europe,  disregarding  the  marriage  and  all  my  pro- 
mises. I  did  not  act  thus,  not  for  fear  of  discovery, 
but  because  I  had  always  professed  to  be  an  honest 
man,  and  thus  I  did  not  allow  myself  to  fall  into  this 
temptation.  The  only  thing  that  weighed  upon  me 
was  that,  through  the  treachery  of  that  Portuguese, 
the  lady  continued  to  be  a  Mahomedan  when  she 
desired  to  become  a  Christian. 

The  fame  1  had  acquired  as  a  good  surgeon  and 
physician  was  the  cause,  among  other  things,  that  I 
was  importuned  by  the  eunuch  Daulat,  a  man  of  staid 
habits,  rich,  and  well  known.  This  eunuch  was  in 
the  employ  of  'Ali  Mardan  Khan,  he  who  made  over 
the  fortress  of  Qandahar  to  the  King  Shahjahan. 
When  his  master  died,  in  the  year  one  thousand  six 
hundred  and  fifty-two,  this  eunuch  of  his  carried  his 
bones  to  Persia  to  be  buried  in  the  tomb  of  his  fore- 
fathers. The  fact  became  known  to  Shah  'Abbas,  at 
that  time  King  of  Persia,  who  ordered  the  arrest  of 
the  eunuch  Daulat.  'Ali  Mardan  Khan's  remains  he 
directed  to  be  burnt,  and  the  eunuch's  nose  and  ears 
to  be  cut  off.  He  was  then  to  be  expelled  from  the 
country.  The  king  held  it  an  act  of  presumption 
to  bring  the  bones  of  a  traitor  to  the  kingdom  of 
which  in  his  lifetime  he  was  a  declared  enemy. 

The  wretched  Daulat  retired  full  of  shame  to  Lahor, 
and  kept  close  within  his  house.  Knowing  the  work 
I  had  done,  he  several  times  requested  me  by  some 
art  or  ingenuity  to  make  his  nostrils  and  ears  grow 
again,  an  impossible  thing.  But  he  imagined  that 
Christians  could  do  impossible  things  with  elixirs. 
Therefore  he  besought  and  entreated  me  that  1  would 
do  to  him  this  favour,  and  he  would  give  me  anything 
I  asked.  I  answered  that  now  there  was  no  remedy, 
the  wounds  being  old,  for  if  they  had  been  fresh 
something  might  have  been  done.  This  reply  of  mine 


160  MANUCCI   AS   EXORCIST 

only  inspired  greater  hopes,  and  he  asked  me  to 
renew  the  sores  by  making  new  wounds.  Then  I 
was  to  cut  off  the  best-shaped  nose  and  the  finest 
ears  from  one  or  other  of  his  slaves,  and  apply  them 
to  his  face.  He  embraced  me,  he  styled  me  Galen, 
Bu  Alt  (i.e.  Avicenna),  Aristotle,  and  Plato ;  he  begged 
me  to  do  him  this  favour,  and  make  him  happy  all  the 
rest  of  his  life. 

The  slaves  then  present  were  in  a  great  state  of 
mind  lest  I  should  accept  the  eunuch's  proposal,  and 
gazed  at  me  with  mournful  faces,  as  if  entreating  me 
not  to  comply  with  the  request.  I  was  laughing  in- 
wardly at  them,  contrasting  the  eagerness  of  Daulat 
with  the  fright  of  the  slaves.  But  as  a  final  answer 
I  stated  that  even  if  I  did  what  he  asked,  and  cut 
off  the  noses  and  ears  of  the  slaves,  it  would  be  of 
no  avail,  for  being  another's  flesh  it  would  never  unite, 
the  only  result  being  to  disfigure  his  slaves  without 
any  benefit  to  him.  Finding  there  was  no  remedy, 
and  being  a  facetious  fellow,  he  said  in  joke :  "  I  know 
not  what  sins  I  have  committed  to  be  made  an  out- 
and-out  eunuch  twice  over,  first  in  my  inferior  part, 
and  secondly  in  my  upper  half.  Now  there  is  nothing 
more  to  deprive  me  of,  nor  do  I  fear  anything  but 
losing  my  head  itself."  This  saying  served  us  often 
afterwards  as  a  subject  of  conversation. 

Not  only  was  I  famed  as  a  doctor,  but  it  was  rumoured 
that  I  possessed  the  power  of  expelling  demons  from 
the  bodies  of  the  possessed.  This  idea  spread  because 
I  was  a  man  capable  of  conversation,  in  which  I  showed 
my  nimbleness  of  wit  whenever  an  occasion  presented 
itself.  Once  some  Mahomedans  were  at  my  house 
consulting  me  about  their  complaints,  when  night 
came  on.  I  did  not  want  to  lose  the  chance  of  over- 
aweing  them,  and  letting  them  see  that  1  had  the  power 
of  giving  orders  to  the  devil.  In  the  middle  of  our  talk 
1  began  to  speak  as  if  to  some  demon,  telling  him  to 
hold  his  tongue  and  not  interrupt  my  talk,  and  let  me 
serve  these  gentlemen,  for  it  was  already  late.  Then 


MANUCCI   AS   EXORCIST  161 

I  resumed   my  conversation  with   the   Mahomedans. 
But  now  they  had  only  half  their  souls  left  in  their 
bodies,  and  spoke  in  trembling  tones.     I  made  use  of 
their  terror  for  my  own  amusement,  and  raising  my 
voice  still  more  I  shouted  at  him  whom  I  assumed  to 
be  present,  lying  invisible  in  some  corner.     I  resumed 
my  talk  to  the  Mahomedans,  and  this  I  did  four  or  five 
times,  each  time  showing  myself  more  provoked  and 
fierce.    At  length  I  threatened  the  demon  with  expul- 
sion from  the  house,  and  rising  to  my  feet,  angrily  laid 
hold  of  a  coarse  glass  bottle  in  which   I  had  a  little 
spirits  of  wine,  and  going  near  the  candle  set  light  to 
it,  and  uttered  a  lot  of  abuse  to  the  supposed  unquiet 
spirit.     Then  approaching  the  window,  I  made  a  noise 
with   the   bottle   like   a   pistol-shot.      I   returned   the 
bottle  to  its  place  and  said  to  the  demon  that  I  objected 
to  his  coming  any  more  into  my  house.     I  then  turned 
again  to  the  Mahomedans,  and  resumed  the  conversa- 
tion.    They  were  unable  to  speak  a  word  out  of  fright, 
and  prayed  for  permission  to  leave,  they  would  come 
back  another  time.     But  the  special  joke  was  that  they 
were  afraid  to  go  out,  dreading  that  the  demon  might 
attack  them  in  the  street.     I  reassured  them  by  saying 
that  the  demon  stood  in  fear  of  me,  and  would  not  do 
such  a  thing,  for  I  had  the  means  of  punishing  him. 
It  would  suffice,  while  going  to  their  houses,  for  them 
to  say  en  route  that  they  came  from  the  Doctor  Sahib. 
A  grand  medicine  certainly,  and  a  great  exorcism  for  a 
make-believe  phantasm  ! 

But  this  was  not  enough  to  induce  them  to  venture 
out ;  whereby  I  was  forced  to  send  with  them  one  of 
my  servants,  who  as  they  progressed  was  to  mutter  : 

II  Duhai    Hakim  Jl  "—that   is  :   "  On   the   part  of  the 
Doctor  Sahib."     Under  these  conditions  I  got  rid  of  all 
those   Mahomedans.     Being  credulous   in  matters  of 
sorcery,  they  began  to  bruit  abroad  in  all  directions 
that  the   Frank   doctor  had   the   power   of  expelling 
demons,   including  dominion    over  them.     This   was 
enough  to  make  many  come,  and  among  them  they 


1 62  MANUCCI    LEAVES   LAHOR 

brought  before  me  many  women  who  pretended  to  be 
possessed  (as  is  their  habit  when  they  want  to  leave 
their  houses  to  carry  out  their  tricks,  and  meet  their 
lovers),  and  it  was  hoped  that  I  could  deal  with  them. 
The  usual  treatment  was  bullying,  tricks,  emetics, 
clysters,  which  caused  much  amazement,  the  actual 
cautery,  and  evil-smelling  fumigation  with  filthy  things. 
Nor  did  I  desist  until  the  patients  were  worn  out  and 
said  that  now  the  devil  had  fled.  In  this  manner  I 
restored  many  to  their  senses,  with  great  increase  of 
reputation,  and  still  greater  diversion  for  myself.  It 
may  be  that  some  reader  will  not  put  faith  in  me,  but 
Europeans  who  are  acquainted  with  the  Mogul  country, 
and  my  character  in  India,  know  that  I  was  capable  of 
many  practical  jokes  of  this  sort.  What  is  certain  is 
that  I  very  seldom  lost  my  temper,  and  knew  how  to 
divert  myself  in  proper  time  and  place  with  harmless 
amusements. 

Havingacquired  a  sufficient  capital,  I  became  desirous 
of  withdrawing  from  the  Mogul  country  and  living 
once  more  amongst  Christians.  This  I  could  not  effect 
by  moving  to  Goa,  for  the  mode  of  life  of  those  gentle- 
men did  not  suit  me.  I  resolved  to  retire  to  a  village 
called  Bandora,  which  is  under  the  Jesuit  Fathers,  who 
do  not  allow  any  of  the  Portuguese  to  live  in  it,  beyond 
a  few  of  their  own  faction.  For  as  soon  as  a  white 
man  appears  they  put  a  spy  on  him,  who  follows  him 
constantly.  On  no  account  will  they  allow  such  a  man 
to  sleep  in  the  village.  Nevertheless,  as  they  knew 
that  I  was  not  a  troublesome  man,  they  were  content 
to  allow  me  to  become  a  resident.  In  the  village  dwelt 
many  merchants  of  different  nations,  it  being  a  place 
of  trade.  One  could  live  there  in  security  through  the 
efforts  of  the  fathers  in  defending  themselves  from  the 
thieves,  who  traversed  the  ocean  in  such  numbers  that 
it  was  necessary  for  many  vessels  together  to  leave 
port,  for  the  Malavares  (?  Malabarts)  and  Sanganes 
(?  Sanjanfs)  infest  this  coast. 

The  news  spread  that  I  meant  to  leave  Lahor,  and  I 


AN   UNLUCKY  VENTURE  163 

was  forced  to  affect  that  the  report  was  false,  for  they 
would  never  have  let  me  go  away,  neither  the  nobles 
nor  the  lower  orders,  for  I  had  great  repute  and  was 
much  thought  of.  To  keep  me  they  placed  spies  upon 
me  to  hinder  my  departure.  But  I  carried  out  my 
intention  in  such  a  way  as  to  mislead  the  spies  ;  I  left 
at  night  without  letting  anyone  know.  Thus  I  was 
able  to  proceed  on  my  journey,  for  I  left  my  heavy 
luggage  behind,  and  everything  in  my  house  in  its 
usual  order.  I  reached  Sihrind  without  interference, 
and  from  Sihrind,  passing  outside  Dihli,  I  rested  in 
Agrah.  From  Agrah  I  went  to  Surat,  where  I  came 
across  the  woman  I  spoke  of  earlier,  she  who  married 
the  Armenian.  From  Surat  I  went  on  to  Damao,  then 
through  the  territories  of  the  Portuguese,  where  the 
Fathers  of  the  society  (i.e.  the  Jesuits)  did  me  many 
kindnesses,  and  at  length  I  arrived  at  Bandora. 

Here  I  was  advised  by  some  people  to  buy  a  ship, 
and  thus  not  to  leave  my  capital  without  fructifying. 
They  proposed  to  me  for  taking  charge  of  the  ship  a 
certain  Ignacio  de  Taide,  a  Portuguese,  who  lived  with 
the  reputation  of  being  a  good  Christian.  To  him  I 
made  over  my  ship  and  its  cargo,  which  in  all  cost  me 
the  sum  of  fourteen  thousand  rupees.  This  caused 
others  to  confide  to  him  considerable  sums  of  money, 
seeing  that  I  had  faith  in  him.  My  orders  to  him  were 
not  to  stray  from  the  convoy.  But  having  other  views 
of  his  own,  he  went  with  the  convoy  only  for  a  certain 
time.  After  that  he  began  to  fall  behind,  and,abandoning 
the  ship,  disappeared,  for  he  had  raised  large  sums  on 
Respondentia  bonds  ;  he  now  started  the  story  that  the 
pirates  had  seized  the  ship.  In  that  case  he  would  not 
be  obliged  to  pay  the  money  that  he  borrowed.  By 
this  means  I  was  left  devoid  of  capital,  having  nothing 
left  but  a  little  money  for  daily  expenses.  This 
necessitated  my  asking  payment  from  Diogo  de  Mello 
de  Sampayo,  son  of  Luis  de  Mello  de  Sampayo,  called 
the  Roncador  (the  Bully),  of  whom  I  have  spoken,  he 
who  fought  so  valorously  at  Damao.  I  asked  him  to 


164         RETURN   TO   THE   MOGUL   COUNTRY 

do  me  the  favour  of  returning  the  two  hundred  rupees 
with  which  I  had  helped  him  in  his  necessity,  out  of 
which  he  had  only  repaid  twenty.  But  all  I  received 
was  the  answer  that  he  had  given  me  the  twenty 
rupees  in  charity;  as  for  the  money  he  owed  me,  I 
might  collect  it  from  the  Mogul,  who  was  indebted  to 
him  in  a  large  amount. 

Finding  myself  without  means  and  very  ill,  I  made 
up  my  mind  to  return,  on  recovering  my  health,  to 
the  Mogul  country,  and  try  my  fortune  once  more. 
Thus  when  1  had  got  well,  1  left  Bandora  with  a  friar 
in  my  charge,  whose  name  out  of  respect  I  will  not 
disclose,  and  Antonio  Machado,  a  man  well  known 
for  his  bravado  and  talk,  which  led  to  his  murder  at 
Goa.  God  alone  knows  what  I  endured  with  this 
fellow-traveller,  who,  looking  on  the  Mahomedans  of 
Hindustan  as  being  the  same  as  the  Portuguese,  tried 
to  carry  everything  off  by  bravado.  He  ignored  the 
fact  that  Hindustani  Mahomedans  are  very  touchy, 
and  possess  sense  and  judgment  like  any  other 
nation.  If  I  wanted  to  write  here  the  foolish  acts 
done  on  the  road  by  these  two  men,  my  story  would 
become  a  very  long  one. 

On  arrival  in  Agrah,  I  left  behind  me  the  friar,  who 
stayed  on  account  of  some  business.  The  other  man 
wished  to  come  with  me  as  far  as  Dihlf ;  then  he 
attempted  by  force  to  take  up  his  quarters  in  my 
house.  But  I  declined,  and  he  was  forced  to  search 
for  a  home  elsewhere.  He  encountered  all  that  I  had 
prognosticated,  for  I  was  fairly  well  acquainted  with 
the  Mogul  country.  It  wanted  very  little  more  for 
this  man  to  have  brought  the  Fathers  of  the  society 
(the  Jesuits)  to  perdition  ;  for,  in  his  desperation, 
having  nothing  to  eat,  he  tried  to  denounce  them 
to  the  qazl  of  Agrah.  He  said  that  the  only  object 
of  the  Fathers'  stay  in  the  Mogul  realm  was  to  buy 
Qurans  and  transmit  them  to  Europe.  There  on  a 
fixed  day  in  each  year  a  festival  took  place,  when 
they  burnt  the  image  of  Muhammad.  This  was  quite 


MANUCCI   ENTERS   SERVICE   OF   SHAH    'ALAM    165 

enough  to  have  caused  the  Fathers  to  be  burnt  alive ; 
and,  seeing  themselves  in  such  danger,  they  collected 
as  an  alms  the  sum  of  five  hundred  rupees  (for  him), 
and  were  thus  delivered  from  a  great  peril.  For, 
being  a  man  of  little  understanding,  he  was  capable 
of  doing  such  a  silly  thing.  He  wandered  hither  and 
thither,  and  then  quitted  Mogul  territory,  I  giving 
him  his  expenses  to  take  him  as  far  as  Surat. 

On  my  reaching  Dihlt  several  nobles  took  notice  of 
my  arrival,  and  called  me  in.  The  chief  of  these  was 
the  Master  of  the  Ceremonies  to  Prince  Shah  'Alam, 
whose  wife  was  very  ill,  and  given  up  by  the  other 
doctors.  My  treatment  of  her  renewed  my  reputation, 
which  during  my  absence  of  a  year  had  somewhat 
diminished.  But  the  Persian  doctors  in  the  household 
of  Shah  'Alam  did  not  approve  of  my  continuing  at 
court  after  having  cured  the  said  woman  whose  case 
they  had  given  up.  This  caused  me  to  decide  on  a 
return  to  Lahor,  for  I  saw  that  the  court  was  not 
for  me. 

With  this  intention  1  left  secretly,  but  the  princess, 
wife  of  Shah  'Alam,  who  had  learnt  of  the  benefit  I 
had  effected  in  the  case  of  the  wife  of  the  Master  of 
the  Ceremonies,  brought  to  mind  the  cases  I  had 
cured  at  Lahor,  when  her  parents  were  there.  I 
had  also  treated  her  in  secret  for  a  small  abscess 
she  had  in  her  ear.  Accordingly  she  besought  the 
prince  one  night  to  take  me  into  his  service,  allotting 
to  me  noble's  pay.  Not  to  discontent  the  princess, 
whom  he  loved  much,  the  prince  fixed  for  me  three 
hundred  rupees  a  month,  and  gave  me  in  addition 
the  title  of  mansabdar — that  is  to  say,  of  a  noble.  This 
was  a  singular  favour,  the  Mahomedans  not  being 
accustomed  to  grant  such  honours  to  Christians ; 
furthermore,  such  physicians  and  surgeons  remain 
subordinate  to,  and  under  the  orders  of,  the  head 
physician.  But  I  was  a  privileged  person,  for  I 
agreed  to  serve  on  no  other  condition  than  that 
I  must  be  left  free,  nor  must  anyone  give  me  orders. 

12 


166  MANUCCI   OBTAINS   LEAVE 

Thus  I  took  service  with  Shah  'Alam,  although  my 
Christian  enemies  did  all  they  knew  to  prevent  the 
prince's  accepting  me.  And  thus,  unwilling  as  I  was 
to  serve  Aurangzeb,  I  was  the  servant  of  his  son, 
beginning  my  service  in  the  year  one  thousand  six 
hundred  and  seventy-eight.  (See  further  pp.  199-213, 
277  and  following.) 

It  was  at  this  time  (some  years  later)  that  out  of  dis- 
gust I  resolved  to  live  no  longer  among  Mahomedans, 
now  that  I  had  put  together  a  sufficient  sum.  Nor 
did  Shah  'Alam  pay  me  at  all  punctually.  I  therefore 
decided  to  return  to  Goa,  where  I  had  some  money  in 
the  hands  of  the  Theatine  Fathers,  meaning  to  leave 
eventually  for  Europe.  For  this  reason  I  asked  several 
times  for  my  discharge,  which  he  (Shah  'Alam)  always 
refused  me,  till  at  length  I  told  him  that  my  private 
affairs  needed  my  presence  at  Surat,  and  he  must  give 
me  leave  for  at  least  two  months.  He  consented  to 
do  this,  and  I  went  to  Surat ;  there  Senhor  Francisco 
Martin,  at  this  day  General  of  the  Royal  Company 
of  France,  gave  me  an  armed  sloop  to  carry  me  as 
far  as  Daman  in  Portuguese  territory.  Thence  I  went 
to  Goa,  and  lived  in  the  gardens.  When  Aurangzeb's 
letter  reached  the  viceroy  he  had  me  sent  for  to 
translate  it  into  Portuguese.  On  hearing  the  pro- 
posals, I  gave  him  advice  as  to  what  he  should  do. 
For  this  war  could  not  be  of  any  benefit  to  the 
Portuguese,  seeing  that  the  Mogul  would  never  be 
content  to  leave  the  Portuguese  to  themselves,  after 
he  had  destroyed  Sambha  Ji.  In  spite  of  this  the 
viceroy  engaged  in  the  war  against  that  prince,  and 
thereby  all  but  lost  Goa. 

Sambha  Ji  learnt  the  above  news,  and  Akbar,  who 
was  living  in  that  prince's  territory,  not  far  from  Goa, 
was  anxious  to  show  his  gratitude  for  the  honour 
Sambha  Ji  had  shown  him.  He  also  sought  occasion 
to  prepare  for  the  flight  which  he  designed  to  make 
into  Persia,  and  wanted  to  ask  the  viceroy  to  provide 
him  with  a  ship  for  that  purpose.  He  sent  an  envoy 


SAMBHA  jl    LAYS   PLANS  TO   SEIZE   GOA      167 

to  the  viceroy,  forwarding  at  the  same  time  some 
rubies  and  diamonds  for  sale.  He  prayed  as  a  favour 
that  permission  might  be  granted  him  to  build  a  ship 
on  the  river  of  Goa,  for  his  flight  into  Persia,  he  being 
persecuted  by  his  father  Aurangzeb. 

He  really  wanted  to  build  the  ship,  but  also  hoped 
to  land,  a  few  at  a  time,  a  large  number  of  men,  and 
then  all  of  a  sudden  to  seize  Goa.  Knowing  as  I  did 
the  tricks  of  the  Mahomedans,  I  advised  the  viceroy 
to  take  great  care,  and  find  out  how  many  men  were 
disembarked,  for  they  might  cause  damage  to  Goa 
before  his  Excellency  could  prevent  them ;  and  truly 
Sambha  Ji's  intention  was  to  get  a  number  of  men 
into  the  island.  Then  he  meant  to  come  in  person 
to  attack,  after  the  men  already  landed  in  the  island 
had  occupied  the  best  positions.  Thus  would  he 
manage  to  accomplish  his  purpose.  The  viceroy 
gave  heed  to  my  words,  and  he  noticed  that  the 
next  day  a  great  number  of  men  came  from  Sambha 
Ji's  territory  for  work  at  the  ship,  but  not  so  many 
withdrew  at  night.  Orders  were  therefore  given  that 
all  must  withdraw,  and  that  the  next  day  as  many 
as  came  in  the  morning  must  go  back  at  night. 

Nor  did  the  viceroy  content  himself  with  giving 
Akbar  leave  to  build  his  ship ;  he  also  made  ready 
some  presents  to  be  sent  to  him.  I  held  my  tongue 
till  I  saw  that  these  things  were  already  prepared, 
when,  out  of  the  affection  I  bore  to  my  fellow- 
Christians,  I  went  to  the  viceroy.  I  said  to  him  that 
to  me  it  seemed  that  His  Excellency  was  not  acting 
with  sufficient  caution.  He  intended  to  write  to  the 
Mogul  (Aurangzeb),  agreeing  at  his  request  to  make 
war  on  Sambha  Ji ;  while  by  these  presents  he  acted 
as  if  he  thought  that  great  king  to  be  of  small  account ; 
for,  not  content  with  allowing  Akbar  to  build  a  ship, 
he  was  sending  him  presents.  By  this  the  Mogul 
would  be  angered,  and  would  seek  an  opening  for 
some  attempt  against  Goa,  because  of  the  favour 
shown  to  his  rebellious  son.  The  viceroy  was  pleased 


168  PORTUGUESE   DEFEAT   AT   PONDA 

to  listen,  and  came  to  a  stop,  and  did  not  send  the 
presents.  Meanwhile  the  ship  was  finished,  and  Akbar 
had  it  removed  to  the  port  of  Vingorla,  twelve  leagues 
distant  from  Goa,  and  in  the  territory  of  Sambha  Ji. 

Finding  that  by  using  the  chance  afforded  by  the 
matter  of  the  ship  he  could  not  carry  out  his  design, 
Sambha  Ji  sent  to  the  viceroy  tutored  spies,  who  told 
him  that  in  the  fortress  of  Ponda  were  great  treasures. 
His  object  was  to  get  the  viceroy  to  leave  Goa  with 
a  large  force  for  the  conquest  of  that  fortress.  Then 
he  meant  to  cut  off  the  Portuguese  retreat  and  prevent 
their  return,  in  this  way  making  himself  master  of 
Goa.  The  facts  became  known  to  a  French  trader, 
then  in  Rajapur,  and  he  wrote  to  me  to  warn  the 
viceroy  of  Sambha  Jl's  purpose.  He  was  coming  down 
with  his  army. 

I  told  His  Excellency,  but  he  would  not  heed  my 
words.  He  issued  forth  with  eight  hundred  white 
soldiers  and  eight  thousand  Canarese.  He  crossed 
with  them  to  the  other  side  of  the  river,  and  began 
his  campaign.  With  him  went  five  pieces  of  heavy 
artillery.  The  men  inside  Ponda  defended  themselves 
until  the  arrival  of  Sambha  Ji  along  with  Akbar's 
men.  They  attacked  with  great  fury  the  viceroy's 
army,  and  gave  him  as  much  to  do  as  he  could 
manage.  His  best  troops  were  killed,  and  if  he  had 
not  used  wooden  obstructions  with  which  to  impede 
the  onset  of  the  cavalry,  he  would  never  have  been 
able  to  get  back  to  Goa,  nor  could  he  have  made  any 
defence.  The  rainy  weather  impeded  the  discharge 
of  his  matchlocks ;  thus  coming  on  still  closer,  a 
trooper  among  the  Rajputs  dealt  His  Excellency  a 
sword-blow  on  the  ribs.  Retreating  slowly,  he 
reached  the  river  bank  with  great  difficulty,  and  once 
more  entered  Goa.  He  recognised,  although  too  late, 
that  he  had  been  misled.  Great  grief  was  caused  in 
the  city  by  the  fruitless  loss  of  so  many  lives. 

In  the  interval  Goa  was  governed  by  the  archbishop 
Dom  Manoel  de  Souza  de  Menezes.  There  came  a 


MANUCCI    TREATED    AS   A   TRAITOR          169 

boat  sent  by  the  general  of  Aurangzeb's  fleet,  which 
was  on  the  watch  to  prevent  Akbar  leaving  Vingorla 
in  the  ship  he  had  built.  It  brought  a  message  for  the 
viceroy,  urging  him  to  make  a  valiant  fight  of  it,  and 
before  very  long  he  (Aurangzeb)  would  arrive  to  his 
assistance.  But  the  archbishop  would  not  listen  to 
the  envoy,  and  gave  the  answer  that  he  must  go  and 
deal  direct  with  the  viceroy.  I  knew  this  because  I 
translated  the  letters,  and  I  did  not  wish  to  forsake 
the  viceroy  at  such  a  time,  so  that  he  might  have 
no  cause  of  complaint  against  me.  I  therefore  de- 
manded permission  of  his  lordship,  and  with  great 
difficulty  he  granted  me  a  boat  to  travel  in.  We  in 
Goa  did  not  then  know  the  miserable  plight  of  the 
viceroy. 

I  left,  but  the  archbishop,  I  know  not  why,  sent  an 
order  to  the  guards  posted  on  the  river  to  seize  me. 
Thus,  while  I  disbursed  my  coin  to  aid  and  serve  the 
Christians  against  the  power  of  the  Mogul,  they  made 
me  out  to  be  a  traitor.  They  persuaded  the  archbishop 
that  I  was  taking  with  me  five  hundred  Shivajis  (i.e. 
Mahrattahs)  to  cut  off  the  viceroy's  retreat  and  pre- 
vent him  returning  to  Goa.  For  this  reason  he 
directed  my  arrest.  The  captains  of  the  guard  knew 
quite  well  1  was  innocent,  for  when  I  reached  them  I 
had  no  one  with  me  but  a  servant.  In  spite  of  this, 
as  the  orders  were  absolute,  they  civilly  made  me  a 
prisoner  without  communicating  to  me  their  orders. 
I  made  pretence  of  not  recognising  that  the  way  they 
were  treating  me  betrayed  suspicion  of  my  acts.  At 
this  time  I  saw  the  arrival  of  several  boat-loads  of 
dead  and  wounded,  a  proof  that  Sambha  Jt  had 
defeated  the  viceroy. 

But  if  I  took  as  a  joke  this  treatment  of  me  by  the 
archbishop,  it  was  not  really  such.  Nor  did  the 
envoy  look  upon  the  manner  in  which  he  had  been 
received  as  any  joke ;  for,  wishing  to  make  him  out 
greater  than  he  was,  they  placed  him  in  danger  of 
losing  his  head.  They  began  to  spread  a  rumour 

12* 


170  EVENTS   AT   GOA 

that  he  was  not  an  envoy,  but  the  very  Sambha  Ji 
himself.  This  story  was  so  much  accepted  that  men 
were  already  in  search  of  him  to  slay  him.  Such  is 
the  power  of  fear  when  it  enters  into  people  who 
are  otherwise  of  good  sense !  When  I  saw  what 
their  purpose  was,  I  did  my  very  best  that  they  should 
not  kill  him,  but  only  arrest  him.  I  assured  them  that 
he  was  not  Sambha  Ji,  but  a  Mogul,  as  he  really  was. 
For,  if  they  had  killed  him,  I,  too,  ran  a  very  great 
risk  of  losing  my  life,  and  that  for  nothing  else  than 
trying  to  help  his  Excellency  at  the  time  the  said  envoy 
arrived. 

It  pleased  God  that  at  last  the  viceroy  should  arrive, 
and  he,  too,  was  at  first  persuaded  that  the  man  was 
Sambha  Ji  in  person.  But  after  I  had  spoken  with 
him,  I  assured  him  that,  even  if  he  were  really  Sambha 
Ji  in  person,  no  violence  could  be  done  by  him,  for  I 
would  keep  close  to  him  when  the  letters  were  pre- 
sented. Thus  I  conducted  the  envoy  into  the  presence 
of  the  viceroy,  who  was  already  in  a  fright. 

Then,  taking  myself  the  letters  from  the  envoy's 
hands,  I  presented  them  to  His  Excellency.  There- 
upon he  recognised  the  great  mistake  which  had  held 
the  whole  island  in  perturbation.  He  (the  envoy)  had 
with  him  only  two  servants. 

But  let  us  now  return  to  Sambha  Ji.  He  had  missed 
his  blow  when  he  had  fought  the  viceroy,  for  if  he 
had  only  occupied  the  river  bank  it  would  have  been 
easy  for  him  to  slaughter  everybody,  and  equally 
easy  to  take  Goa.  All  the  same,  he  did  not  despair 
of  success  in  his  attempt ;  for,  after  the  defeat  of  the 
viceroy,  he  took  possession  of  the  lands  of  Salseite 
(Salsette)  and  Bardes,  Between  which  lies  the  island  of 
Goa,  and,  after  stiff  fighting,  tried  to  disembark  men 
on  the  island  (of  Goa).  But  the  Portuguese  resisted 
valiantly,  above  all,  the  Augustinian  Fathers,  who 
were  at  a  crossing  against  which  Sambha  Ji  made  his 
principal  efforts. 

Thus,    finding    he    had   not   carried   out   what    he 


MANUCCFS   EMBASSY   TO   SAMBHA  jf         171 

wanted  to  do,  and  seeing  that  by  force  of  arms  he 
should  not  conquer,  he  adopted  the  way  customary  in 
Hindustan — that  of  deceit.  He  therefore  made  Akbar 
act  as  mediator  and  send  in  a  letter  to  the  viceroy.  In 
it  he  said  that,  being  on  the  point  of  leaving  for 
Persia,  as  a  friend  of  both  sides,  he  wanted  to  restore 
peace  and  amity  between  Sambha  Jf  and  the  Portu- 
guese. With  this  object  would  they  send  a  trusty 
person  capable  of  dealing  with  such  a  negotiation  ? 
He  would  bring  it  to  a  conclusion  to  the  satisfaction 
of  both  parties. 

The  viceroy  selected  me  for  this  business.  On  my 
side  I  recognised  that  I  was  a  foreigner,  so  I  took 
along  with  me  one  priest  and  one  layman,  both 
Portuguese,  to  bear  testimony  to  my  acts  and  words. 
I  made  declaration  to  the  viceroy  that  they  would 
never  conduct  me  to  Akbar,  but  to  Sambha  J!  instead. 
I  questioned  the  viceroy  as  to  what  I  should  do  in 
that  case.  He  said  to  me  that  under  no  circumstances 
did  he  wish  me  to  approach  Sambha  Jf.  With  this 
point  determined  on,  I  quitted  Goa. 

Hardly  had  I  arrived  in  Sambha  Jt's  territory  when 
they  wanted  to  carry  me  to  him  and  not  to  Akbar. 
Thereupon  I  declared  1  would  not  go,  that  I  would 
sooner  lose  my  head  than  act  against  the  orders  I  had 
received.  Akbar  learnt  this,  and  dispatched  Durga 
Das,  as  representing  his  person  during  the  negotia- 
tions with  Sambha  Jf.  On  these  conditions  I,  too, 
attended,  or  else  they  would  have  carried  me  there  by 
force. 

We  reached  the  presence  of  Sambha  Jt,  who  re- 
ceived me  with  great  politeness.  During  the  con- 
versation he  made  bitter  complaint  of  the  viceroy's 
declaring  war  against  him  in  spite  of  the  King  of 
Portugal's  orders.  The  king  had  ordered  him  to 
maintain  peace  with  his  neighbours.  Many  other 
things  against  the  viceroy  did  he  say  to  me  during 
this  talk.  It  was  on  this  occasion  that  he  told  me  that 
with  his  own  sword  he  had  decapitated  his  chief 


172  SAMBHA  JI'S   ENVOY 

captains,  owing  to  their  disaffection.     He  showed  me 
the  sword. 

Finally,  he  gave  me  my  leave  to  go,  adding  that, 
seeing  the  viceroy  would  not  send  him  an  envoy,  he 
meant  to  be  the  first  and  send  one  to  him  and  so  let 
him  see  how  much  he  desired  to  uphold  peace  between 
the  Portuguese. 

Taking  one  of  his  officers  by  the  hand,  he  said  to 
me :  "  This  is  the  man  I  mean  to  send ;  he  is  the  key 
of  my  treasure-house."  Then,  laying  hold  of  my  hand 
also,  he  made  the  man  over  to  me,  and  said  he  was 
doing  him  (the  viceroy)  much  honour,  for  the  man  was 
his  chief  favourite.  He  sent  me  away,  handing  me 
two  handkerchiefs  of  gold  thread,  and  in  the  evening 
the  envoy  came  to  visit  me.  He  set  forth  his  pre- 
tensions, which  were  that  he  should  land  in  the  isle 
with  one  thousand,  or  at  least  five  hundred  men  as 
his  guard,  taking  also  seven  horses  (as  he  said)  to 
show  his  rank.  We  hammered  away  for  a  long  time 
at  this  subject,  he  beseeching  me  earnestly  to  secure 
this  honourable  treatment  for  him  from  the  viceroy. 
But  I  displayed  total  indifference,  saying  it  lay  with 
the  viceroy  to  concede  to  him  or  not  what  he  asked, 
at  the  same  time  I  would  lay  his  requests  before 
His  Excellency.  But  horses  were  not  necessary, 
the  fortress  being  quite  near,  nor  could  the  horses 
climb  to  it. 

The  reader  must  be  made  aware  here  of  what  the 
envoy's  intentions  were.  The  first  was  to  get  with 
this  large  number  of  men  into  Goa,  where  there  was 
not  a  large  enough  garrison  to  defend  all  the  posts. 
Coming,  thus  attended,  to  pay  his  court  to  the  viceroy, 
it  would  be  very  easy  to  carry  out  their  object.  For 
they  would  enter  with  the  fixed  intention  of  assassina- 
ting the  viceroy,  and  consequently  would  come  wear- 
ing concealed  chain-mail.  Having  succeeded,  some  of 
them  would  jump  on  the  horses,  and,  careering  about, 
would  strike  terror  into  the  inhabitants,  and  throw 
everything  into  disorder.  Thus  Sambha  Ji  would 


THE   ENVOY'S   DESIGNS   FRUSTRATED         173 

have  time  to  land  his  force  without  any  difficulty  and 
capture  defenceless  Goa. 

I  returned  to  Goa  and  reported  to  the  viceroy  what 
was  going  on,  and  of  the  probable  intentions  of 
Sambha  Ji.  For  the  time  being  he  should  not,  I 
thought,  give  audience  in  the  royal  hall,  but  in  the 
fortress  of  Dangf  (Dangim),  which  was  quite  close  to 
the  sea.  Strong  guards  should  be  posted  so  as  to 
hinder  the  envoy  from  carrying  out  his  plans.  Al- 
though there  was  some  difficulty  in  doing  what  I 
said,  nevertheless,  acknowledging  that  I  had  some 
acquaintance  with  the  tricks  of  people  in  Hindustan, 
the  viceroy  did  as  I  advised.  Thus  I  went  back  to 
tell  the  ambassador  that  he  might  come.  I  took  with 
me  no  more  than  three  boats,  so  that  too  many  people 
might  not  come.  But  so  many  crowded  in  that  our 
boat  was  in  great  danger  of  going  to  the  bottom.  I 
complained  to  the  envoy  of  this  carelessness,  and  he 
grew  angry,  for  he  saw  that  with  so  small  a  number 
he  would  not  be  able  to  carry  out  his  project.  He 
wanted  to  give  up  coming.  But,  encouraging  him,  I 
brought  him  to  the  above-mentioned  fortress.  Matters 
were  disposed  in  such  a  way  that  not  more  than  seven 
persons  were  able  to  enter  with  him.  These  were 
received  by  the  viceroy  with  great  pomp. 

The  envoy's  design  was  unmasked  during  the 
audience,  for  he  made  no  statement  about  terms  of 
peace,  stating  that  his  coming  was  for  nothing  more 
than  to  know  if  the  Portuguese  gentlemen  really 
desired  to  make  peace  or  not,  and  whether  they 
would  pay  tribute  to  his  prince.  The  viceroy  replied 
that  he  wanted  peace,  but  would  not  pay  any  tribute. 
The  envoy  answered  that  he  would  take  this  reply  to 
his  prince,  and  then  took  his  leave  far  from  well  con- 
tented, not  having  been  able  to  make  himself  a  name 
by  a  piece  of  treachery  (i.e.  assassination),  for  amongst 
them  this  mode  of  going  to  work  is  a  proof  of  great 
valour. 

Although  peace  negotiations  were  going  on,  there 


174    MANUCCI'S  EMBASSY   TO  THE   MOGUL   FLEET 

was  no  suspension  of  arms,  for  continuously  Sambha 
Jf  went  on  fighting  at  Goa  with  great  vigour.  In  the 
course  of  these  contests,  as  there  were  not  many 
troops  in  the  island,  there  was  reason  to  fear  that 
Sambha  Ji  might  land  his  soldiers  there.  The  viceroy 
therefore  sought  someone  who  would  go  to  the  Mogul 
fleet,  then  off  Vingorla,  to  request  the  admiral  to  sail 
with  his  ships  till  he  was  within  sight  of  Goa.  Thus 
some  fear  would  be  instilled  into  Sambha  Jt's  men 
then  in  Salsette  and  Bardes.  For  all  they  could  do, 
they  could  not  find  any  person  willing  to  take  upon 
himself  to  risk  his  life  for  the  public  benefit.  Then, 
knowing  the  heartiness  with  which  I  had  laboured  to 
the  utmost  of  my  power,  he  asked  me  if  I  would  per- 
form this  benefit  on  behalf  of  a  city  which  found  itself 
in  such  a  sorry  plight. 

I  gave  a  favourable  reply,  and,  as  I  was  leaving  Goa, 
Dom  Rodrigo  da  Costa,  in  command  of  the  fleet, 
declared  that  1  was  on  my  way  to  destruction.  God 
was  pleased  to  show  the  care  He  had  over  my  person, 
for  one  morning  in  the  dark  I  found  myself  with  my 
boat  in  the  midst  of  thirty-seven  galliots  belonging  to 
Sambha  Jf.  As  soon  as  we  discovered  that  the  fleet 
was  not  that  of  the  Moguls,  but  of  Sambha  Jf,  we 
were  very  apprehensive,  and  already  the  master  of 
the  vessel  and  several  seamen  wanted  to  jump  into 
the  sea.  But  I  laid  hold  of  my  matchlock  and 
frightened  them,  saying  that  the  first  who  moved 
was  a  dead  man.  If  they  set  to  work  to  row  with 
all  their  strength,  I  would  give  them  five  hundred 
xerafins  (ashraf\,  a  gold  coin)  on  arrival  in  Goa.  This 
was  in  addition  to  several  pieces  of  gold  that  I  dis- 
tributed among  them  on  the  spot.  As  the  man  who 
guided  the  helm  was  very  skilful,  we  feigned  to  be 
part  of  that  fleet  until  we  forged  ahead  of  all  the 
galliots.  Then  putting  on  a  spurt  we  drew  away 
from  our  enemies,  who  began  a  chase  in  the  hope  of 
capturing  us. 

Keeping  on  our  course,  we  arrived  at  the  Mogul 


SECOND   EMBASSY  TO  SAMBHA  jt  175 

fleet,  and  I  carried  out  my  instructions.  But  the 
commander  replied  that  he  could  not  come  away 
from  Vingorla  for  fear  that  Prince  Akbar  might 
escape.  Thus  it  turned  out  that  I  put  my  life  to 
danger  without  doing  any  good.  Nevertheless,  I 
went  back  to  Goa  by  another  route,  and  there 
I  reported  the  Mogul  fleet  to  be  already  on  its  way 
to  give  assistance  against  Sambha  Jf.  This  I  did  that 
all  might  recover  heart  and  resolution,  and  continue 
the  war  with  greater  courage. 

Sambha  Jt's  soldiers  took  the  island  of  Santo  Estevao, 
and  were  very  near  to  Goa.  They  gave  so  much  trouble 
to  the  city  that  the  viceroy  resolved  to  send  an  embassy 
to  the  said  prince  to  see  if  he  could  obtain  a  peace,  and 
I  was  obliged  to  go  a  second  time  to  Sambha  Jf.  But 
on  my  arrival  I  found  a  spy,  then  in  his  service,  who 
gave  me  a  faithful  report  of  the  latest  news.  He  told 
me  that  the  army  of  Shah  'Alam  was  already  quite 
close.  This  was  enough  to  decide  me  not  to  pursue 
my  negotiations ;  therefore  I  determined  to  retrace 
my  steps,  and  to  advise  the  viceroy  that  the  deliver- 
ance of  Goa  was  at  hand  with  the  aid  of  Shah  'Alam. 
I  stayed  in  Goa  afterwards  to  visit  that  prince  and 
negotiate  as  soon  as  he  arrived.  In  my  place  they 
sent  to  Sambha  Jf  Manoel  Saraiva  and  an  Augustinian 
Father.  But  the  fighting  still  went  on  with  great 
energy.  Well  was  it  for  the  Portuguese  that  Sambha 
Jf  never  knew  exactly  how  few  men  there  were  in  the 
island.  If  he  had  known,  he  could  have  carried  out 
his  scheme  in  its  entirety. 

I  do  not  know  if  it  was  from  carelessness  or  from 
real  want  of  soldiers  that  the  vessels  which  were  on 
guard  had  not  more  than  seven  or  eight  men  to  each 
vessel.  I  know  the  fact  because  one  night  the  viceroy 
invited  me  to  go  with  him  in  his  boat  on  his  rounds  to 
see  if  the  officers  were  doing  their  duty.  We  found 
them  nearly  all  asleep,  and  instead  of  challenging  us, 
it  was  necessary  for  us  to  accost  them,  to  find  out  if 
there  was  anyone  in  the  vessel  or  not.  Not  aware 


176        CARELESSNESS   OF   THE   PORTUGUESE 

that  it  was  the  viceroy  who  was  passing,  they  gave  us 
ill-conditioned  replies,  and  we  ascertained  that  there 
was  not  a  single  officer  in  the  ships.  But  what  was 
my  astonishment,  on  reaching  the  fort  opposite  the 
bar  at  the  entrance  of  the  river,  to  find  that  we  had  to 
beat  at  a  door  for  a  long  time,  making  much  noise 
without  getting  any  response.  Finally  came  a  soldier, 
who  replied  to  us  by  stating  that  there  were  only 
eleven  men.  Yet  this  fort  was  of  the  greatest  im- 
portance, and  Sambha  Ji  had  only  to  take  it  to  get 
possession  of  Goa  without  any  further  difficulty. 

The  viceroy  was  angry  at  getting  such  a  reply,  and 
asked  why  the  men  of  the  garrison  had  not  answered. 
The  soldier  said  they  could  not  answer,  for  there  was 
no  one,  only  a  boy  who  tended  the  goats.  These  were 
the  preparations  that  we  found  in  the  ships  and  at 
that  fort  at  a  time  when  Sambha  Ji  was  doing  all  he 
could  to  capture  a  city  that  had  ever  remained  the 
glory  of  the  Portuguese  !  From  this  the  reader  may 
judge  how  little  these  gentlemen  thought  of  the 
courage  of  veteran  soldiers  such  as  those  of  Sambha 
Ji,  or  else,  over-confident  in  themselves,  they  imagined 
that  their  mere  name  would  bar  the  way  to  the  enemy, 
or  it  may  be  that  in  reality  there  were  no  troops  avail- 
able. In  any  case,  those  they  had  in  their  service 
could  not  have  cared  much  whether  they  lived  under 
the  rule  of  the  Portugal  king  or  that  of  Sambha  Ji. 

Aurangzeb  received  the  reply  of  the  Goa  viceroy, 
in  which  he  promised  to  allow  free  passage  up  the 
river  to  his  fleet  coming  from  Surat  with  supplies  for 
the  army  of  his  son,  Shah  'Alam.  The  king  ordered 
that  prince  to  march  with  forty-five  thousand  horse- 
men in  the  direction  of  Goa,  traversing  the  kingdom 
of  Bijapur.  His  instructions  were  to  capture  the 
island  of  Goa  by  treachery,  thus  becoming  able  there- 
after to  invade  easily  the  territories  of  Sambha  Ji. 

On  this  march  Shah  'Alam  took  several  of  Sambha 
Ji's  forts,  and  arrived  in  time  to  deliver  the  island 
from  the  hands  of  that  prince.  It  was  already  in 


ARRIVAL   OF   SHAH   'ALAM  177 

great  danger.  Sambha  Jl  made  every  possible 
exertion  to  take  it  before  Shah  'Alam  arrived,  but 
it  did  not  happen  according  to  his  desire.  Thus,  on 
the  arrival  of  the  Mogul  fleet,  he  was  obliged  to 
decamp,  but  before  he  disappeared  he  ordered  the 
mortars  in  Santo  Estevao  to  be  charged,  with  the 
idea  of  bursting  them,  seeing  that  he  could  not  carry 
them  away.  But  in  this  he  did  not  succeed,  for  only 
one  of  them  burst ;  then  spiking  the  rest  he  fled. 

As  soon  as  Shah  'Alam  arrived  he  sent  an  envoy  to 
the  viceroy  as  far  as  the  river  bank.  On  learning  this, 
His  Excellency  ordered  me  to  go  and  speak  to  this 
envoy,  who  was  the  brother  of  Sec  Mahamed  (Shekh 
Muhammad).  I  went  to  the  spot,  and  while  afar  off, 
I  saluted  him  in  the  European  fashion.  But  he, 
remaining  seated  in  his  palanquin,  paid  little  or  no 
heed  to  me,  and,  ignoring  the  politeness  customary 
in  India,  which  is  to  raise  the  hand  to  the  head,  he 
placed  it  on  his  breast,  as  usual  among  the  Persians. 
This  made  me  angry,  and  I  declined  to  advance  any 
farther.  His  example  was  not  followed  by  the  slaves 
and  servants  of  Shah  'Alam ;  they  knew  how  anxious 
their  master  was  to  retain  me  at  his  court.  They  all 
bowed  to  me  with  great  respect. 

I  did  not  neglect  to  say  in  a  loud  voice  what  seemed 
to  me  necessary  against  such  a  messenger,  and  turning 
my  back,  cheerfully  accosted  my  friends.  All  the  same, 
I  did  not  lose  the  words  said  by  the  envoy.  They 
amounted  to  nothing  more  than  that  the  Portuguese 
were  under  great  obligations  to  Shah  'Alam,  and  they 
ought  to  commence  at  once  to  count  out  the  millions 
they  would  have  to  give  for  having  been  delivered 
from  Sambha  Ji.  Then  spies  went  off  to  Shah  'Alam 
and  told  him  that  the  viceroy  had  sent  me  to  treat 
with  the  ambassador,  and  that  the  latter  had  failed  to 
render  me  due  honour. 

The  prince  was  much  put  out,  and  in  that  man's 
place  sent  my  friend  Miraxam  (Mir  A'zam)  with  orders 
to  conciliate  me  in  every  way.  On  his  reaching  the 


178  NEGOTIATIONS   CONTINUE 

river  bank  I  advanced  to  meet  him,  but  he,  having 
received  different  instructions  from  the  first  man,  rose 
to  his  feet  when  he  saw  me,  and  coming  towards  me, 
embraced  me.  He  told  me  the  prince's  orders  were 
that  he  was  to  do  whatever  I  might  suggest,  as  he  had 
no  knowledge  of  the  viceroy.  Then  he  delivered  me 
a  letter  sent  to  me  by  the  prince.  In  it  he  begged 
me  to  come  to  him,  as  he  greatly  desired  to  speak  to  me, 
and  he  trusted  I  would  not  refuse,  having  eaten  the 
salt  of  his  house. 

1  did  not  wish  to  take  him  (the  envoy)  into  Goa,  so  I 
escorted  him  to  a  little  island  called  Ilha  de  Manoel  de 
Mota.  There  I  regaled  him  during  the  night.  On  the 
day  following  1  conducted  him  to  the  viceroy,  who  was 
in  the  fortress  of  Santiago,  near  the  mainland.  There 
he  presented  Shah  'Alam's  letter.  It  began  by  request- 
ing that  Hakim  Niculao,  his  old  servant,  should  be  sent 
to  him.  As  soon  as  he  arrived  they  would  arrange 
things  to  the  satisfaction  of  both  sides.  Next  it  stated 
how,  in  conformity  with  the  letter  of  the  viceroy  sent 
to  the  great  Aurangzeb,  permission  was  given  for  the 
entry  into  the  river  of  the  ships  carrying  supplies  for 
the  army  sent  against  Sambha  Jf.  Yet  the  fleet  in 
question  had  not  arrived.  Fulfilment  of  the  promise 
was  now  requested. 

The  viceroy  replied  that  he  would  certainly  carry 
out  what  he  had  promised,  but  the  route  taken  must  be 
by  the  other  river,  that  of  Bardes,  not  by  that  of  Goa. 
But  the  envoy  persisted  in  his  demand,  that  they 
wanted  to  pass  through  the  river  of  Goa,  as  had  been 
promised  to  His  Majesty.  Finally  the  viceroy  answered 
that  I  would  go  to  his  Highness,  and  that  there 
matters  would  be  settled. 

During  the  discussion  the  king's  fleet,  which  was  at 
the  harbour  mouth,  continued  to  advance.  When  a 
report  of  this  reached  the  viceroy,  I  said  to  Dom 
Rodrigo  da  Costa  that  now  was  the  time  for  a  display 
of  courage  and  energy.  Therefore,  without  any  delay, 
the  fleet  ought  to  be  fired  upon.  He  hurried  to  the 


MANUCCI  VISITS  SHAH   'ALAM  179 

spot,  where  he  found  that,  by  the  carelessness  of 
the  commandant  of  Aguada,  some  five-and-twenty 
galliots  had  already  entered  and  were  close  to  the 
Fort  of  the  Kings.  When  arrived  he  ordered  at  once 
the  discharge  of  three  loaded  cannon,  to  intimidate 
them,  and  cause  their  retirement.  They  replied  that 
they  were  friends,  and  had  come  under  the  protection 
of  the  viceroy's  promise ;  they  should  therefore  stop 
firing,  as  that  was  not  the  way  to  receive  friends. 

When  the  Aguada  fort  became  aware  that  the  Fort 
of  the  Kings  declined  to  allow  a  passage,  it  too  fired 
several  times,  in  order  to  prevent  the  remainder  of  the 
fleet  which  was  following  from  completing  its  purpose. 
Thus  was  Goa  saved  this  time,  for  without  a  doubt  it 
would  have  been  lost  had  the  fleet  entered.  The 
twenty-five  galliots  which  were  already  inside  took 
refuge  behind  the  Fort  of  the  Kings  in  a  river  which  is 
called  Nelur.  Here  they  remained  until  the  receipt  of 
fresh  orders  from  Shah  'Alam.  They  plundered  along 
the  shore,  and  carried  off  any  goods  and  women  or 
girls  found  there. 

At  nightfall  I  issued  from  Goa  with  the  envoy  in 
order  to  go  to  the  encampment  of  Shah  'Alam.  When 
we  disembarked,  the  spies  informed  us  that  the  enemy 
were  in  sight.  Mir  A'zam  feared  some  harm  to  my 
person,  and  ordered  twenty  horsemen  to  accompany 
me  as  far  as  the  camp.  He  stopped  behind  with  thirty 
horsemen.  In  this  way  I  reached  the  camp,  where, 
being  known,  many  greeted  me  with  loud  voices.  I 
cannot  express  the  affection  with  which  they  came  to 
embrace  me. 

If  the  reader  could  only  know  the  manner  in  which 
I  had  behaved  to  all  the  officials  and  ministers,  he 
would  not  be  surprised  that  they  received  me  with  as 
much  love  as  if  I  had  been  one  of  their  relations. 

I  proceeded  to  the  prince's  tents,  and  there  the 
eunuchs,  who  knew  how  eagerly  the  prince  and  princess 
were  looking-for  me,  came  forward  to  receive  me.  The 
chief  eunuch  told  me  that  Shah  'Alam  had  ordered 


i8o  MANUCCI   VISITS   SHAH    'ALAM 

that  at  whatever  hour  I  might  arrive  he  should  forth- 
with be  informed ;  he  had  also  directed  the  whole 
army  to  be  in  readiness  the  next  morning.  For  if  I 
did  not  arrive  he  meant  to  send  his  troops  across  the 
river  by  swimming  it.  I  said  to  the  man  that  the 
prince  should  not  be  roused  ;  it  was  already  midnight 
and  I  could  wait,  nor  was  it  right  that  a  tired  prince 
should  be  woke  on  account  of  one  of  his  servants. 

When  the  prince  got  up  next  morning,  they  reported 
my  arrival.  He  was  more  anxious  for  this  than  for 
the  taking  of  Goa,  and  was  now  content.  He  issued 
orders  for  his  soldiers  to  return  to  their  quarters,  as 
he  no  longer  meant  to  take  any  action.  Next,  he  sent 
word  inside  to  the  princesses  and  princes  that  I  had 
come,  and  called  them  all  together  with  great  glee,  and 
ordered  a  letter  to  be  written  to  his  mother  Nabab 
Baegi  (Nawab  Bae  Ji)  telling  how  he  had  now  caught 
me.  For  this  queen  had  complained  bitterly  about  his 
giving  me  leave  of  absence.  She  called  me  within  the 
pardah,  where  I  first  made  my  bow  as  a  European,  and 
then  did  obeisance  in  court  fashion. 

She  was  much  amused  at  seeing  me  in  European 
costume,  my  beard  shaved  off,  and  wearing  a  peruke. 
As  the  princess  had  not  been  used  to  seeing  me  in 
such  a  get-up,  she  asked  me  what  drugs  I  took  to 
return  to  youth.  Then,  jokingly,  I  gave  her  my 
reasons,  and  let  her  understand  that  I  did  not  wish  to 
serve  any  more,  because  the  officials  did  not  carry  out 
the  promises  made  me  by  His  Highness.  The  prince 
replied  that  I  ought  not  to  trouble  myself  about  this ; 
I  had  only  to  apply  to  him  on  the  occurrence  of  any 
difficulty,  and  without  fail  he  would  ensure  me  any 
satisfaction  I  could  desire.  Laughing  at  the  liberty  I 
was  taking,  I  told  him  that  I  could  no  more  rely  on  His 
Highness  than  on  the  rest,  for  many  times  he  had 
broken  his  promises.  Then  he  brought  forward  his 
heir,  Sultan  Mazudin  (Mu'izz-ud-din),  as  security,  and 
added  one  hundred  rupees  a  month  to  my  former  pay. 
He  ordered  my  pay  to  be  disbursed  for  the  whole  time 


MANUCCI   VISITS   SttAH   'ALAM  i8t 

of  my  absence  from  his  court.  In  addition  he  promised 
to  maintain  four  horses  to  carry  my  baggage,  and  eight 
men  to  carry  my  palanquin,  with  my  food  daily  sent 
from  his  table. 

After  this  we  entered  upon  a  conversation  over  the 
differences  with  the  viceroy.  As  I  was  obliged,  in  my 
capacity  of  envoy  from  the  viceroy,  to  take  the  part  of 
the  Portuguese  gentlemen,  I  said  to  His  Highness  that 
the  viceroy  could  not  on  any  conditions  allow  the 
royal  fleet  to  come  through  the  river  of  Goa,  such 
being  the  orders  of  the  King  of  Portugal.  If  His 
Excellency  disobeyed  such  orders,  his  head  would  be 
in  great  danger. 

Shah  'Alam  persisted  that  at  least  the  galliots  already 
in  the  river,  behind  the  Fort  of  the  Kings,  should 
continue  their  course.  He  assigned  as  reason  that, 
other  ships  being  allowed  to  pass,  they  might  just  as 
well  allow  the  said  galliots  to  go  up,  since  they  were 
already  inside.  I  retorted  that  other  ships  allowed  to 
pass  were  merchantmen,  as  to  which  there  was  no 
prohibition.  But  in  respect  to  His  Highness's  ships 
and  those  of  other  crowns,  there  was  a  rigorous  order 
not  to  let  them  pass.  If  the  viceroy  in  his  letter  to 
Aurangzeb  had  promised  a  passage,  that  must  be 
understood  not  of  the  Goa  river,  but  of  the  lands 
belonging  to  the  Portuguese.  He  did  not  decline  to 
comply,  but  offered  a  passage  through  other  rivers. 
To  show  better  to  His  Highness  that  the  viceroy 
maintained  friendship  with  His  Highness  and  with  his 
father,  he  would  provide  men  to  guide  the  vessels  to 
any  port  His  Highness  wished. 

This  proposal  so  much  approved  itself  to  Shah 
4  Alam,  that  he  was  willing  to  order  the  galliots  already 
inside  to  go  out  again.  He  sent  me  with  people  to 
carry  this  order  to  the  captain-general  of  the  fleet ;  and 
I  left  with  him  other  men  to  act  as  guides  in  conducting 
him  by  land  to  the  mouth  of  the  river  Bardes. 

To  conclude  the  story :  before  giving  me  my  leave, 
he  sent  me  an  exquisite  sarapa  (set  of  robes)  and  a 


i82  MANUCCI   AND   SHAH   'ALAM 

horse.  I  was  made  to  promise  that  I  would  return 
to  him  next  day  at  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  I 
took  with  me  the  men  carrying  to  the  captain-general 
of  the  fleet  the  orders  to  turn  back  and  proceed  to 
meet  the  prince  by  way  of  the  Bardes  river. 

I  went  to  Goa,  and  recounted  to  the  viceroy  what 
had  happened.  He  was  considerably  gratified  at  the 
way  I  had  arranged  matters,  and  at  deliverance  from 
the  peril  he  had  been  in  of  losing  the  island.  I  urged 
him  to  give  the  ambassadors  their  dismissal,  with 
the  presents  he  meant  to  send  to  His  Highness.  In 
the  morning  I  did  my  very  best  to  be  sent  off  early, 
in  order  to  fulfil  my  promise  to  reach  His  Highness 
at  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  But  His  Excellency 
wanted  me  to  carry  a  letter  to  the  prince,  and  kept 
me  waiting  longer  than  was  necessary.  For  this 
reason,  the  prince  finding  I  did  not  arrive  at  the 
appointed  hour,  ordered  Bardes  to  be  plundered  and 
thereby  force  the  viceroy  to  send  me  at  once. 

His  Highness  had  ordered  that  as  soon  as  ever 
they  perceived  me  approaching  they  were  to  stop 
plundering.  The  sentries  who  recognised  me  shouted 
and  ran  about  to  make  the  soldiers  give  over,  but 
that  did  not  help  the  poor  wretches  already  stripped 
bare.  I  reached  the  prince,  and  was  well  received  ; 
but  I  made  somewhat  of  a  remonstrance  at  the  irre- 
gularity of  the  soldiers  plundering  Bardes  when  we 
were  friends.  The  prince  smiled,  and  said  to  me : 
"  It  would  have  been  still  worse  for  them  had  you 
not  appeared."  There  we  halted  several  days  until 
the  supplies  for  the  army  had  been  landed.  It  is 
impossible  for  me  to  detail  the  gifts  I  received  from 
all  the  court,  and  even  from  the  princesses  and  sons 
of  Shah  'Alam. 1  The  latter  was  aware  that  I  was 
serving  him  reluctantly,  and  thus  instigated  these 
others  to  propitiate  me. 

We  went  to  Vingorla,  and  the  prince  captured  that 
place  easily,  seeing  that  nearly  everybody  took  to 


MANUCCI   DOES   PORTUGUESE  A   GOOD   TURN    183 

flight.  The  fleet  continued  to  accompany  us.  After 
a  few  days  the  Portuguese  ambassadors  arrived  ;  they 
were  Joao  Antunes  Portugal  and  Manoel  de  Santo 
Pinto.  They  brought  some  showy  presents  and 
lengths  of  ornamented  China  cloth,  some  lovely 
branches  of  coral,  and  six  small  pieces  of  artillery,  with 
other  objects,  the  whole  being  worth  a  good  amount. 

They  were  well  received,  and  sardpd  (sets  of  robes) 
were  ordered  for  each  of  them,  in  addition  to  two 
thousand  rupees.  For  the  viceroy  there  were  given 
a  caparisoned  horse,  a  dagger  mounted  with  precious 
stones,  a  little  bottle  of  essence  of  roses,  and  an 
honourable  formao  (farman,  or  rescript?). 

It  should  be  noted  here  that  at  the  presentation 
of  these  ambassadors  I  did  not  act  as  interpreter, 
but  some  other  European.  In  reading  out  the  con- 
ditions he  succeeded  in  doing  a  piece  of  bad  work 
for  the  Portuguese.  For  in  one  paragraph  the  viceroy 
desired  Shah  'Alam  either  to  give  him  eight  hundred 
horses,  or  permit  him  to  buy  them  in  the  camp. 
The  European  stated  as  the  viceroy's  proposal  that, 
if  the  prince  gave  him  eight  hundred  horses  he  would 
consider  himself  a  subject.  This  was  as  much  as  to 
say  that  he  would  place  Goa  in  the  prince's  hands. 
When  I  heard  this  I  prayed  the  royal  scribe  to  stop 
writing,  for  the  interpreter  did  not  understand  the 
viceroy's  proposal.  All  he  said  was  that  being  in 
want  of  eight  hundred  horses  to  continue  the  campaign 
against  Sambha  Ji  he  asked  for  these  eight  hundred 
horses;  and  should  His  Highness  decline  to  give 
them  he  prayed  leave  to  buy  them  in  the  camp.  The 
interpreter  was  angered,  but  I  judged  it  necessary 
on  such  an  occasion  to  speak  up,  to  defend  truth, 
and  to  protect  Goa  from  a  pretext  under  cover  of 
which  Aurangzeb  would  proceed  to  occupy  that  island. 

In  the  evening  of  the  same  day  I  encountered 
Shekh  Muhammad  at  the  entrance  of  the  prince's 
tents.  He  is  the  man  who  had  gone  first  as  envoy 
from  Aurangzeb  to  the  viceroy,  and  had  promised 


1 84       MANUCCI   MADE  A   KNIGHT  OF  SANT'   I  AGO 

Aurangzeb  to  make  over  Goa  to  Shah  'Alam.  He 
complained  to  me,  telling  me  it  was  not  for  me  to 
intervene  in  the  royal  affairs,  nor  was  it  my  business 
to  act  as  agent  for  the  Portuguese.  In  time  we  began 
to  raise  our  voices,  so  that  the  prince  heard  the  alter- 
cation, and  asked  the  cause,  and  who  were  the  men 
making  so  much  noise.  Then  they  told  him  how 
Hakim  Niculao  and  Shekh  Muhammad  were  shouting 
at  each  other  over  the  pending  negotiations.  The 
prince,  who  did  not  want  any  violence,  sent  word  to 
Shekh  Muhammad  to  go  away,  and  not  open  his 
mouth  on  such  affairs.  As  for  me,  he  called  me  inside, 
reassured  me,  and  gave  me  his  word  that  he  would 
not  touch  the  Portuguese.  Of  a  certainty  had  he 
listened  to  Shekh  Muhammad  he  must  have  taken 
Goa,  for  that  man  was  very  familiar  with  the  ground, 
being  a  native  of  those  parts. 

Manoel  de  Santo  Pinto  then  returned  to  the  viceroy, 
and  reported  to  him  the  above  two  affairs.  On  this 
account  the  viceroy  sent  me,  through  him,  the  pro- 
position that  I  should  either  accept  the  knighthood 
of  Sant'  lago,  or  a  village  yielding  annually  a  thousand 
xerafins  (ashrafi).  I  did  not  want  to  accept  one  or 
the  other,  but  Manoel  de  Santo  Pinto  pressed  the 
accepting  of  one  of  the  offers,  as  it  would  affront  the 
viceroy  if  I  refused.  I  therefore  accepted  the  knight- 
hood of  Sant'  lago,  which  he  forthwith  conferred  on 
me,  together  with  the  letters  patent,  in  which  he  set 
forth  the  two  particular  services  aforesaid  which  I 
rendered  the  crown  of  Portugal,  as  may  be  seen  from 
the  following  copy  of  that  patent : 

"  Dom  Pedro,  by  the  Grace  of  God,  Prince  of 
Portugal  and  of  the  Algarves,  on  this  and  that  side 
of  the  sea  in  Africa,  of  Guinea,  and  of  the  conquered 
commercial  navigation  of  Ethiopia,  Arabia,  Persia, 
and  India,  et  cetera ;  as  regent  and  successor,  and  ruler 
of  the  said  realms  and  lordships,  and  governor  and 
perpetual  administrator,  as  I  am,  of  the  Mastership 
and  Knighthood  of  the  three  Military  orders  : 


MANUCCI   MADE   A   KNIGHT   OF  SANT'   IAGO       185 

"Be  it  known  to  all  beholding  this  Patent,  that 
having  regard  to  the  services  done  by  Niculcio 
Manuchy  in  our  Indian  dominions  on  various  occa- 
sions arising  in  our  service ;  by  translating  the  letters 
written  by  the  Mogul  King  to  the  Count,  our  viceroy 
in  the  said  Dominions,  and  by  being  present  during 
the  conferences  with  his  ambassador,  Shekh  Muham- 
mad, upon  the  matters  under  negotiation;  subse- 
quently, upon  the  approach  of  the  prince  Muhammad 
Mu'azzam,  Shah  'Alam,  eldest  son  of  the  said  King, 
with  his  army,  to  the  vicinity  of  the  said  Dominions, 
by  accompanying  the  envoy  that  the  said  Count,  our 
viceroy,  sent  to  the  said  Prince,  and  by  going  more 
than  once  to  the  said  army  on  various  matters  of 
great  importance  appertaining  to  the  said  Dominions. 
Wherein  the  said  Niculao  Manuchy  conducted  himself 
with  great  fidelity  and  zeal  in  our  service ;  from 
which  we  anticipate  he  will  act  in  the  same  way  from 
now  henceforth. 

"  For  all  these  reasons  he  is  worthy  of  every  honour 
and  favour,  and  to  prove  to  the  said  Prince  the  esteem 
in  which  we  hold  his  person,  We  hold  it  expedient 
to  make  a  grant  to  the  said  Niculao  Manuchi  of  the 
vestment  of  the  order  of  Sao  Tiago,  which  he  can 
wear  on  his  breast  like  a  true  knight,  for  which  he 
will  be  recognised  and  respected  as  such,  enjoying 
all  the  honours  and  privileges  thereto  appertaining. 

11  Wherefore  I  order  that  this  Patent  now  issued  be 
made  over  to  him,  that  it  be  carried  out  and  observed 
in  its  entirety  as  therein  set  forth,  and  that  it  be  sealed 
with  the  seal  bearing  the  Royal  Arms  of  the  Crown 
of  Portugal.  Our  Lord  the  Prince  issues  it  through 
Francisco  de  Tavora,  Count  of  Alvor,  one  of  his 
Councillors  of  State,  Viceroy  and  Captain-General 
of  India,  executed  by  the  Custodian  Souza  Moreira 
in  Goa  the  twenty  and  ninth  of  January  of  one 
thousand  six  hundred  and  eighty-four. 

"  Ordered  to  be  recorded. 

"  The  Secretary, 
"  LUIS  GONSALVES  CoTA. 

"  COUNT  OF  ALVOR. 
Luis  GONSALVES  COTA. 


1 86  MANUCCI   ATTEMPTS  TO   LEAVE   SHAH    'ALAM 

"  Patent  by  which  Your  Highness  is  pleased  to 
grant  to  Niculao  Manuchi  the  vestment  of  the  Order 
of  Sao  Thiago,  to  be  borne  on  his  breast  as  a  true 
knight  enjoying  all  the  honours  and  privileges  per- 
taining thereto,  as  is  above  declared. 

"  Verified  by  Your  Highness. 

"Registered  in  the  Book  of  Grants  in  the  State 
Secretariat  on  page  twenty-nine. 

"LUIS   GONSALVES   COTA." 

I  did  not  wish  to  continue  in  the  service  of 
Shah  'Alam,  for  I  did  not  feel  happy  living  among 
Mahomedans.  I  saw  that  these  campaigns  would 
not  soon  come  to  an  end,  and  thus  I  would  be 
forced  to  wander  here  and  there  and  everywhere 
with  the  prince's  camp.  I  took  my  measures  for 
flight,  as  was  my  intention.  The  > first  thing  I  did 
was  to  pray  the  ambassador  from  the  Portuguese 
to  wait  for  me  with  his  galliot  (armed  boat).  For 
when  the  prince  started  to  march  with  his  army  I 
meant  to  get  back  to  Goa  with  him  (the  envoy). 
He  gave  me  his  word  that  he  would  await  me.  Then 
I  resolved  to  return  the  two  thousand  rupees  given 
me  by  Shah  'Alam  to  enable  me  to  march  with 
the  army.  I  did  not  want  it  said  of  me  that  Hakim 
Niculao  fled  after  having  received  two  thousand 
rupees.  So  I  took  them  to  Sultan  Mu'izz-ud-din, 
Shah  'Alam's  heir,  and  asked  him  to  consent  to  hold- 
ing the  said  two  thousand  rupees,  as  I  had  no  place 
to  put  them.  He  ordered  his  eunuch  to  take  charge 
of  them. 

I  waited  until  the  prince  had  set  out,  and  then  1 
made  off,  hoping  to  catch  up  the  ambassador  and  his 
boat.  But  he  had  gone  off  to  feast  himself  in  the 
Dutch  Factory,  and  thus  the  attempt  failed.  When 
the  prince  knew  of  it  he  fell  into  a  great  rage  at 
my  attempted  flight,  and  ordered  his  foster-brother, 
Mir  Muhammad,  to  whose  charge  he  had  committed 
me,  to  go  off  in  search  of  me,  and  not  to  come  back 
to  his  presence  until  he  brought  me  with  him.  He 


MANUCCI   RECAPTURED  187 

sent  an  order  to  the  commander  of  the  fleet  to  pro- 
ceed in  search  of  me  and  (carry  me  off  by  force  or 
persuasion.  For  he  declared  unconditionally  that  he 
meant  to  keep  me  in  his  service. 

But  he  knew  that  I  was  no  lover  of  violence,  so 
he  sent  to  the  seashore  a  caparisoned  horse  for  me 
to  ride,  and  an  elephant  along  with  five  hundred 
horsemen  to  escort  me.  This  was  all  to  do  me 
great  honour,  but  they  were  to  seize  me  if  they 
came  across  me. 

I  was  much  affected  when  I  did  not  find  the  am- 
bassador in  the  boat.  While  I  was  waiting  for  him, 
I  felt  happy  at  having  got  away  from  the  camp.  Then 
the  sentries  reported  to  us  how  a  galliot  belonging  to 
the  Mahomedans  was  approaching.  Putting  my  head 
to  the  window,  I  saw  that  it  was  Mir  Muhammad,  and 
thereby  my  courage  at  once  evaporated. 

He  came  aboard  the  envoy's  boat,  and  earnestly 
entreated  me  to  save  his  life ;  for  the  prince  would 
never  see  him  until  I  went  back  to  the  camp  and 
spoke  with  His  Highness,  who  was  waiting  for  me. 
While  we  were  still  in  talk,  the  sentry  said  that  all 
the  Mahomedan  army  had  come  from  Vingorla.  Thus 
I  lost  all  hope  of  being  able  to  flee,  and,  entering 
Mir  Muhammad's  galliot,  we  went  off  to  find  the 
prince,  who  had  already  gone  four  leagues  farther 
off.  The  commander  of  the  fleet  notified  my  presence 
to  the  prince.  But  owing  to  the  land  route  being 
closed  by  the  enemy,  who  were  plundering  in  all 
directions,  thus  causing  great  risk  of  the  elephant's 
capture,  which  would  be  a  disgrace,  he  ordered  them 
to  embark  the  horses  and  the  troopers  told  off  to 
escort  me,  while  the  elephant  was  put  aboard  some 
other  vessel.  Thus  we  all  went  to  a  port  distant 
some  two  days  from  Vingorla,  where  the  prince 
had  gone  to  destroy  a  temple  known  as  the  White 
Pagoda,  or  of  the  Virgins.  It  was  sent  into  the  air 
by  gunpowder. 

The  prince  was  pleased  and  happy  at  my  return, 


i88        MANUCCI  GRANTED  LEAVE 

Remonstrating  lovingly  with  me,  he  said  he  did  not 
know  what  was  to  happen  to  me.  For  he  saw  that  I 
had  no  love  for  him  or  for  his  family.  Other  Farangis 
would  adopt  any  and  every  method  to  find  a  prince 
who  had  for  them  a  mere  fraction  of  the  interest  he 
displayed  in  me.  I  replied  that  I  admitted  fully  the 
love  with  which  His  Highness  was  pleased  to  favour 
me;  but  my  expenses  were  heavy,  nor  did  I  deserve 
less  pay  than  that  given  to  the  other  physicians. 
Thus  I  could  not  continue  to  serve  him.  Besides 
this,  his  ministers  and  the  officials  made  me  wait  a 
very  long  time  for  the  little  His  Highness  gave  me. 
In  this  way,  while  in  his  service,  I  was  expending 
my  patrimony  without  benefit  and  with  nothing  but 
distress. 

Before  putting  faith  in  this  speech  of  mine,  it  is 
necessary  for  the  reader  to  know  my  temperament, 
and  he  should,  in  addition,  know  the  wonderful  cures 
I  had  effected  among  the  Mahomedans.  Well  might 
I  talk  thus,  for  I  neither  sought  for,  nor  was  I  in  need 
of,  the  prince's  pay,  and  thoroughly  content  should 
I  have  been  had  he  grown  angry  and  said  :  "  Be  off 
with  you."  But  he,  instead  of  getting  angry  and 
expelling  me,  ordered,  in  my  hearing,  a  guard  of 
horse  and  foot  to  be  put  on  me,  as  he  did  not  want 
me  to  escape  again.  Seeing  thus  how  determined  he 
was,  I  said  I  could  not  follow  him,  not  having  the 
necessary  equipment;  all  my  baggage  was  in  Goa. 
On  this  account  I  prayed  leave  to  visit  Goa  to  fetch 
my  things,  and  bid  farewell  to  my  relations.  I 
pledged  my  word  to  come  back  within  the  term  of 
seven  days. 

He  was  reluctant  to  give  me  this  leave,  but  in  the 
end  said  he  would  grant  it  if  I  swore  to  come  back 
again.  I  swore  after  the  manner  of  Hindustan — that 
is,  by  the  feet  of  His  Highness — I  would  come  back 
again.  But  he  refused  this  oath,  and  called  upon  me 
to  swear  by  the  name  of  the  Messiah,  and  that  then 
he  would  place  faith  in  my  words  and  permit  me  to 


RETURNS  TO  THE  ROYAL  CAMP     189 

quit  the  royal  camp.  Finding  he  required  this  of  me, 
I  swore  by  the  terrible,  venerable,  and  admirable 
name  of  Jesus  that  I  would  be  faithful  to  my  promise. 
Then  he  granted  me  the  leave,  and  conferred  on  me 
another  set  of  robes  (sardpa). 

Though  thus  obliged  to  abandon  Goa,  which  I  had 
wished  to  serve  to  the  utmost  of  my  power,  I  resolved 
to  seize  the  occasion  for  alleviating  the  great  necessity 
from  which  it  was  then  suffering.  There  was  famine 
from  want  of  supplies,  especially  of  wheat,  of  which 
there  was  none  in  Goa — not  even  enough  to  prepare 
the  Host.  I  asked  the  prince  to  let  me  have  a  cargo 
of  wheat,  his  army  being  fully  supplied.  It  was  to 
be  delivered  at  Goa  on  account  of  the  merchants,  for 
I  wished  to  confer  this  benefit  on  my  intimates  by 
way  of  a  parting  gift.  My  petition  was  acceded  to, 
and,  embarking  on  the  same  vessel,  I  went  to  Goa, 
where  the  Portuguese  were  much  pleased  at  the  benefit 
I  had  gained  for  them  from  the  prince,  and  the  mer- 
chants acquired  their  profit.  After  two  days  I  took 
leave  of  the  viceroy  and  my  friends,  and  returned  to 
the  royal  camp,  where  the  prince  awaited  me  with 
great  eagerness. 

When  I  arrived  I  learnt  that  the  prince  was  already 
prepared  for  the  march,  having  completed  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  White  Pagoda  and  other  edifices  belong- 
ing to  Sambha  Ji.  We  took  the  road  for  Bardes 
once  more,  halting  on  the  bank  of  that  river.  Shah 
'Alam  had  given  orders  that  everyone  caught  entering 
or  leaving  the  camp  at  night  should  be  beheaded 
without  fail.  This  was  to  frighten  the  spies,  and 
hinder  them  from  coming  to  pry  about  in  the  camp. 
It  happened  that  they  caught,  among  others,  some 
Canarese,  who  had  come  from  Goa  to  sell  fruit,  butter, 
et  cetera,  in  the  camp.  Already  they  were  on  their 
way,  early  in  the  morning,  to  be  beheaded,  when  my 
servants,  hearing  of  this,  informed  me  of  the  miserable 
plight  of  these  Canarese.  I  therefore  hurried  to  the 
prince,  who  was  already  on  the  march,  and  besought 


190  A   DISASTROUS   MARCH 

him  for  an  order  to  release  my  people,  who  had 
carried  me  from  Goa.  He  smiled,  and  directed  the 
release  of  the  men  for  whom  I  had  petitioned.  Thus 
some  men  were  released  whom  I  had  recognised  to 
be  Christians. 

After  this  we  marched,  and  climbed  a  mountain 
called  Ramgat  (?  Ramghat),  a  league  and  a  half  of 
ascent.  Here  Sambha  Ji  might  have  killed  the  whole 
of  us,  for  it  was  a  place  difficult  to  climb,  with  narrow 
paths  passing  through  jungle  and  thorny  scrub.  But 
he  did  not  choose  to  attempt  it,  and  they  said  he  was 
acting  in  collusion  with  Shah  'Alam. 

But  what  Sambha  Ji  did  not  do  by  attacking  us, 
God  carried  out  by  the  pestilence  which  raged  in  the 
army  with  such  violence  that  in  seven  days  of  its 
prevalence  everyone  died  who  was  attacked — that  is, 
about  one-third  of  the  army.  Of  this  disease  there 
died  every  day  five  hundred  men  ;  nor  was  the  mor- 
tality confined  to  men  only — it  extended  to  horses, 
elephants,  and  camels.  This  made  the  air  pestilential, 
and,  it  being  a  confined  route,  supplies  failed  also  ; 
and  this  was  like  encountering  another  enemy.  For 
although,  as  I  said,  wheat  was  abundant  from  this 
time,  there  were  no  animals  to  carry  it.  Thus  the 
soldiers  had  more  than  enough  to  undergo.  Many  of 
those  whose  horses  had  died  had  no  money  to  buy 
others,  nor  was  there  anyone  in  the  camp  ready  to 
sell.  They  were  thus  forced  to  march  on  foot,  and 
many  died  of  the  great  heat  and  thirst  they  under- 
went. Having  reached  the  top  of  this  pass,  we  marched 
for  the  kingdom  of  Bijapur.  Several  times  we  were 
watched  on  the  march  by  the  enemy,  who,  whenever 
occasion  served,  spared  neither  our  baggage  nor 
ourselves,  plundering  in  all  directions. 

Finally  we  arrived  at  Aamadanaguer  (Ahmadnagar), 
where  Chand  Bib!  caused  golden  and  silver  balls  to  be 
fired  from  her  cannon,  with  the  inscription  that  the  ball 
should  belong  to  the  finder.  Here  we  met  the  army 
of  Aurangzeb,  who  was  waiting  for  the  rainy  season 


MANUCCI   AGAIN   TAKES   FLIGHT  191 

to  pass  before  venturing  farther  into  the  kingdom  of 
Bijapur  and  Gulkandah.  During  these  marches  and 
halts  it  was  observed  that  in  the  morning  there  were 
on  the  tents  various  scarlet  imprints  of  hands.  Every- 
one was  in  astonishment.  We  could  never  discover 
the  signification  of  these  imprints,  unless  it  could  be 
judged  to  be  some  witchcraft,  for  no  one  could  climb 
so  high  as  to  make  those  hand-prints  on  the  royal 
tents. 

As  I  was  already  dissatisfied  with  all  this  marching, 
I  continued  to  reflect  on  modes  of  retiring  to  Europe, 
there  to  enjoy  the  much  or  little  that  I  had  fairly 
earned  by  my  labours.  I  therefore  asked  Shah  'Alam 
for  leave  to  visit  Surat  on  some  business  I  had  there. 
But  as  he  knew  by  experience  that  my  determination 
was  to  proceed  still  farther,  he  ordered  his  slaves  to 
watch  carefully  that  I  did  not  take  to  flight.  He  refused 
to  give  any  other  answer. 

Seeing  him  thus  positive,  I  adopted  another  plan, 
which  was  to  write  to  Muhammad  Ibrahim,  begging 
him  to  assist  me  in  my  escape.  He  wrote  that  he 
would  most  willingly  do  so.  To  this  end  he  sent 
daily  four  thousand  horse  to  patrol  as  if  they  meant 
to  make  an  attempt  upon  us,  and  this  caused  some 
anxiety  to  Shah  'Alam.  This  went  on  for  several 
days,  until  the  day  fixed  for  my  escape  arrived.  I 
sent  ,my  books  out  of  the  camp  by  the  hands  of  my 
spies,  who  moved  about  in  safety.  Then,  contenting 
myself  by  carrying  off  my  hoard  of  gold  coins  and 
my  case  of  instruments,  I  left  my  tent  mounted  on  a 
horse  followed  by  a  palanquin,  as  if  I  were  going  to 
take  the  air.  I  halted  at  the  tent  of  one  of  my  friends, 
an  Englishman  named  Thomas  Gudlet,  and  there  I 
drank  a  cup  or  two  so  as  to  mystify  Shah  'Alam's 
spies.  Then,  on  the  pretext  that  at  night  I  had  to 
give  a  dinner  to  some  friends,  I  sent  the  spies  to 
procure  dishes  of  food,  some  in  one  place,  some  in 
another.  I  also  ordered  my  palanquin  to  be  taken 
away,  as  I  intended  to  ride  home  that  evening. 


192  SUCCESSFUL   ESCAPE 

When  I  found  myself  free  of  these  spies,  I  sent  out 
two  faithful  servants  to  wait  for  me  in  a  village  across 
the  river,  near  which  were  posted  the  four  thousand 
horsemen  of  Muhammad  Ibrahim.  On  arriving,  they 
were  to  display  a  small  white  flag  as  a  signal  that  the 
horsemen  were  there,  and  that  I  might  come  safely. 
As  soon  as  I  got  this  warning  I  rode  out  on  my  horse 
as  if  taking  the  air,  but  in  truth  I  was  on  my  way  to 
escape.  When  I  reached  the  river  I  moved  most 
leisurely,  as  if  I  only  meant  to  give  my  horse  a  drink. 

When  the  sentries  saw  that  I  was  crossing  the 
river,  they  began  to  shout  and  warn  the  horsemen 
that  I  was  clearing  out.  But  they  were  too  late  to 
catch  me,  for  giving  my  steed  the  rein  I  moved  off  in 
fine  style.  The  horsemen  of  Shah  'Alam  pursued  me, 
describing  a  half-circle  in  the  hope  of  surrounding 
me.  But  Muhammad  Ibrahim's  troopers  at  once  rode 
up,  lance  in  rest,  and  put  Shah  'Alam's  horsemen  to 
flight.  Thus  delivered  I  reached  the  village,  and 
from  the  village  the  army,  where  I  gave  thanks  to 
Muhammad  Ibrahim  for  the  favour  he  had  done  me. 

Nor  must  I  omit  to  mention  how  some  Christians  in 
the  service  of  the  Gulkandah  king,  aware  that  I  was 
seeking  to  escape  from  Shah  'Alam,  came  out  to  meet 
me  and  escort  me,  so  as  to  take  my  side  in  case  any  of 
the  Gulkandah  troops  attempted  to  interfere  with  me. 
Hardly  had  I  reached  the  presence  of  Muhammad 
Ibrahim,  when  one  of  Shah  'Alain's  spies  turned  up. 
He  delivered  letters  to  the  general,  and  informed  him 
in  private  that  I  was  much  valued  by  Shah  'Alam, 
who  would  take  it  very  ill  should  he  assist  a  person 
that  the  prince  had  sent  after  several  times  and  put 
sentries  over  to  prevent  his  escape. 

The  spy  left,  and  also  the  other  persons  present, 
and  I  was  alone  with  Muhammad  Ibrahim.  He 
already  regretted  having  helped  me  in  my  flight,  and 
as  he  had  been  planning  to  desert  to  the  prince's  side, 
he  feared  being  badly  treated  by  His  Highness.  This 
was  why,  after  having  congratulated  me  on  my  escape, 


MANUCCI   REACHES   GULKANDAH  193 

he  prayed  me  to  remain  with  him  a  few  days ;  he  said 
he  felt  unwell,  and  wanted  to  purge  himself.  I  quite 
understood  the  design  of  Muhammad  Ibrahim ;  he 
meant  to  make  me  over  once  more  to  Shah  'Alam. 
Placing  my  hand  on  my  dagger,  I  said  to  him  that  if 
he  did  not  give  me  leave  to  go  on  to  Gulkandah,  I 
should  without  fail  rip  open  my  bowels  in  his  presence, 
and  would  rather  die  than  go  back  to  the  service  of 
Shah  'Alam. 

He  became  alarmed  at  finding  me  thus  resolute,  and, 
retiring  inside,  told  me  to  wait  a  little.  He  wrote  me 
a  passport  for  Gulkandah,  and  coming  out  again 
handed  it  to  me,  telling  me  privately  to  make  all  the 
haste  I  could.  As  this  was  all  I  was  waiting  for,  I 
jumped  on  my  horse  at  once  and  travelled  for  three 
days,  until  1  arrived  at  Gulkandah.  There  I  repaired 
to  the  house  of  a  friend,  Monsieur  Francisco  Guety, 
and  he  conducted  me  to  the  mansion  of  Xarif  Elmulq 
(Sharlf-ul-mulk),  brother-in-law  of  the  Gulkandah  king. 
He  had  several  conversations  with  me ;  and  the  king's 
sister  suffering  from  palpitation  of  the  heart,  I  was 
able  to  alleviate  her  complaint  a  great  deal.  In  this 
way  I  began  to  be  talked  about  in  Gulkandah. 

Thus  the  king  heard  of  my  arrival.  As  his  European 
physician,  a  Frenchman  named  Monsieur  Destremon, 
was  dead,  the  king  sent  for  me  to  his  presence.  There, 
after  some  conversation,  he  directed  me  to  go  and 
bleed  a  woman  in  his  harem,  much  cherished  by  him, 
because  she  knew  where  the  treasures  of  the  King  of 
Gulkandah  Cotobxa  (Qutb  Shah)  were  concealed. 
She  was  a  Georgian,  and  so  extremely  stout,  and  the 
fat  covered  the  veins  so  much,  that  blood  could  not  be 
drawn  from  her  except  from  the  capillary  veins.  Her 
arms  were  covered  with  lancet  marks.  I  felt  for  the 
vein,  and  after  fixing  the  bandage,  I  took  a  measure 
twice  the  size  I  used  for  others  ;  and  I  reached  the  vein 
with  such  dexterity  that  the  blood  gushed  out  with 
great  force.  Everyone  was  in  admiration  at  seeing  a 
thing  that  had  never  happened  before  with  this  woman 


194  MANUCCI   LEAVES   GULKANDAH 

The  king  himself,  who  was  standing  behind  looking 
on,  became  desirous  of  being  bled  also.  But  though 
they  made  me  wait  for  that  day,  in  the  end  he  would 
not  have  it  done.  It  may  be  that  someone  had 
frightened  him,  that  I  might  be  an  emissary  from 
Shah  'Alam  and  Aurangzeb,  sent  to  bleed  him  in  such 
a  way  that  he  would  never  want  to  be  bled  again.  In 
place  of  having  himself  bled,  he  made  over  to  me  for 
treatment  one  of  his  nephews  who  had  an  ulcerated 
leg,  and  for  this  purpose  he  presented  to  me  seven 
hundred  rupees  for  my  expenses.  [To  evade  capture 
by  Shah  'Alam,  Manucci  again  fled  to  Narsapur.] 

While  Shah  'Alam  was  halted  in  that  province 
(Kohir)  waiting  for  the  receipt  of  the  treasure, 
elephants,  jewels,  and  war  materials,  in  accordance 
with  the  treaty,  he  requested  the  king  to  have  a  search 
made  for  me,  and  send  me  to  him  as  he  wanted  me. 
Horsemen  were  sent  by  the  king  to  fetch  me,  with 
orders  to  the  governors  that  if  I  refused  to  come 
willingly,  I  was  to  be  sent  by  force.  The  soldiers 
came  upon  me  in  Narsapur,  and  showed  me  the  royal 
farman,  whereby  the  king  recalled  me  to  court,  on  the 
pretext  of  continuing  the  treatment  of  his  nephew. 
He  promised  me  that  whenever  1  wanted  my  liberty  it 
should  be  given  without  difficulty. 

I  could  see  quite  well  that  there  was  no  escape  from 
going,  for  they  would  carry  me  off  to  the  court  whether 
I  liked  it  or  not.  I  therefore  dissembled,  and  made 
display  of  goodwill,  and  a  desire  to  be  of  service  to 
His  Majesty.  I  mounted  my  horse  and  went  with  them, 
in  all  pomp  and  magnificence,  until  we  got  to  Gul- 
kandah.  When  I  appeared  to  make  my  obeisance  to 
the  king,  he  declared  himself  pleased  at  my  coming. 
Urgently  I  begged  him,  as  I  had  come  under  pro- 
tection of  his  word,  not  to  deliver  me  into  the  hands 
of  Shah  'Alam.  By  this  he  was  somewhat  discon- 
certed, and  fixed  my  pay  at  seven  hundred  rupees  a 
month.  But  I  declared  that  I  would  not  accept  pay, 
that  I  meant  to  serve  him  for  nothing.  Nevertheless, 


A   FRESH   ATTEMPT   TO   ESCAPE  195 

he  sent  seven  hundred  rupees  to  my  abode,  and  while 
I  was  with  him  he  ordered  a  set  of  robes  to  be  con- 
ferred on  me.  He  gave  a  private  order  to  post  a 
hundred  horsemen  in  the  street  where  I  was  staying, 
to  prevent  anyone  interfering  with  me. 

For  the  envoy  of  Shah  'Alam,  called  Momencan 
(Mumin  Khan),  sought  an  opening  for  carrying  me  off 
to  the  prince.  In  addition  to  the  guard  of  horsemen, 
Abu,l  Hasan  gave  me  over  in  charge  to  his  dlwan, 
who  was  responsible  for  my  personal  safety.  I  began 
the  treatment  of  his  nephew  once  more,  and  remained 
two  months  in  Gulkandah,  by  which  time  the  patient 
had  recovered.  But  I  was  obliged  to  seek  safety  in  a 
secret  flight.  For  the  ambassador  of  Shah  'Alam, 
when  he  was  taking  leave,  once  more  tried  to  induce 
the  king  to  make  me  over  into  his  hands.  He  (the 
king)  replied  that  if  at  his  departure  he  carried  me 
away  with  him,  no  one  would  come  forward  to  defend 
me.  For  this  purpose  he  ordered  the  withdrawal  of 
the  hundred  horsemen,  placed  as  sentries  to  prevent 
interference  with  me. 

This  conversation  was  heard  by  one  of  the  said 
ambassador's  soldiers,  who  years  before  had  come  under 
an  obligation  to  me  for  treating  him  in  an  illness,  and 
he  hurried  to  warn  me  of  the  ambassador's  intentions. 
The  information  reached  me  when  I  was  at  cards,  and, 
suppressing  my  tribulation,  I  went  on  for  a  time  with 
the  game.  I  then  went  out  and  betook  myself  to  the 
house  of  the  Dutch  envoy,  who  was  then  Lourenco  Pit, 
and  begged  his  assistance  in  this  delicate  situation. 
After  that  I  sent  for  the  Father  Vicar  of  Gulkandah, 
named  Frey  Francisco,  of  the  Order  of  St.  Augustin, 
and  most  earnestly  entreated  him  to  see  Rustam  Rao 
and  procure  leave  to  remove  to  Machhllpatanam  a 
brother  of  his  called  Augustinho,  who  had  fallen  ill. 

I  furnished  him  with  this  name,  so  that  if  asked  for 
his  invalid  brother's  name  he  should  be  in  no  per- 
plexity, and  thereby  avoid  suspicion  of  there  being 
some  deceit.  The  arrangement  succeeded  perfectly, 


196  MANUCCI   REACHES   MADRAS 

for  the  permit  was  obtained.  I  got  into  a  palanquin, 
and  feigned  to  be  unwell ;  and  praise  be  to  God,  the 
spies  never  discovered  me.  Thus  did  I  make  my 
journey  without  the  envoy  of  Shah  'Alam  being  aware 
of  my  departure.  I  went  on  until  I  arrived  at  Madrasta 
(Madras)  or  Fort  St.  George,  which  belongs  to  the 
English,  and  there  I  was  free  of  all  danger.  My  escape 
from  Gulkandah  was  the  cause  of  some  discomfort  to 
the  king,  for  Shah  'Alam  made  great  complaint  of  his 
want  of  energy  in  arresting  me,  but  he  knew  quite 
well  that  by  that  time  I  was  no  longer  in  Gulkandah. 
Still  he  made  various  searches,  and  in  the  end  sent 
Rustam  Rao  as  a  prisoner  into  the  fortress,  because 
he  had  issued  the  permit  for  my  departure.  The 
prisoner  was  forced  to  pay  fifty  thousand  rupees, 
which  were  forwarded  to  Shah  'Alam  as  a  present  to 
procure  pardon  for  the  fault  of  the  king's  officer. 

On  my  arrival  in  Madras,  the  Portuguese  gentlemen, 
who  knew  the  zeal  with  which  I  had  served  their 
nation  in  Goa,  came  to  see  me.  They  congratulated 
me  on  my  arrival  and  offered  their  services  in  whatever 
way  would  be  of  use  to  me.  Such  help  they  would 
give  most  willingly.  But  I  was  all  anxiety  to  see 
Senhor  Francisco  Martim  (Francois  Martin),  Director- 
General  of  the  Royal  Company  of  France,  who  had 
come  back  to  Pudichery  (Pondicherry)  from  Surat.  I 
got  into  a  palanquin  and  went  off  to  visit  him,  where  I 
was  well  received,  and  well  entertained  for  several  days. 
He  gave  me  the  advice  not  to  return  to  Europe,  but  to 
marry  in  India.  He  informed  me  of  a  lady  born  in 
India,  but  of  good  English  Catholic  parents.  She 
lived  in  Madrastapatao  (Madras)  and  her  name  was 
Senhora  Ilizabet  Ihardili  (?  Elizabeth  Hartley),  legiti- 
mate daughter  of  (Mr.)  Christovao  Ihardili  (?  Christo- 
pher Hartley),  president  of  Machhltpatanam,  and  of 
Donna  Aguida  Pereyra,  a  Portuguese  lady.  At  that 
time  the  lady  Ilizabet  Ihardili  was  the  widow  of  Mr. 
Thomas  Klark  (Clarke),  an  English  Catholic ;  he  was 
a  judge,  and  second  at  the  station  of  Madras. 


MANUCCI   MARRIES  197 

This  is  what  I  was  told  by  Monsieur  the  General, 
confirmed  by  some  Capuchin  friars,  and  thus  I  began 
to  relinquish  the  idea  of  going  back  to  Europe.  For, 
as  they  told  me,  having  become  accustomed  to  the 
climate  and  the  food  of  India,  and  being  already 
advanced  in  age,  I  should  not  last  very  long  in  Europe. 
Thus  I  quitted  Pondicherry  and  returned  to  Madras, 
meaning  to  find  out  the  intentions  of  the  said  lady. 
There  I  arrived  at  the  end  of  June  in  one  thousand  six 
hundred  and  eighty-six,  and  I  talked  with  the  well- 
known  Fathers  Zenao  (Zenon)  and  Ephrem  (Ephraim), 
Capuchins,  and  apostolic  missionaries  in  Madras, 
otherwise  Fort  St.  George.  They  were  aware  of  the 
virtues  and  sound  doctrine  of  the  said  lady,  and  they 
gave  me  such  a  good  report  of  her  qualities  and  virtues 
that  1  decided  to  marry.  By  the  favour  of  God  I  was 
married  on  St.  Simon's  and  St.  Jude's  day  of  that  same 
year  (1686). 

I  had  a  son,  but  God  chose  rather  to  make  him  an 
angel  in  Paradise  than  leave  him  to  suffer  in  this 
world.  In  this  way  I  was  fixed  to  a  residence  in  the 
said  Fort  St.  George,  where  came  many  that  knew  me, 
or  heard  speak  of  me,  in  order  to  be  treated.  Among 
those  who  came  was  Rajah  Champat,  son  of  Champat 
Bundelah,  who,  as  stated  in  the  first  part  of  my  history, 
was  sacrificed  by  Aurangzeb  as  a  foundation  for  his 
victories,  in  reward  for  having  found  him  a  route  in 
his  combat  with  Dara. 

Nor  did  Shah  'Alam  fail  to  send  in  search  of  me  in 
several  directions,  while  the  princess  sent  one  who  had 
formerly  been  my  servant  to  seek  me  in  Madras.  She 
gave  him  as  a  present  a  dagger,  which  he  sold  to  one 
of  my  friends  for  eight  hundred  patacas  (Rs.  1600). 
This  she  did  only  through  her  desire  to  know  where  1 
was,  so  that  she  might  send  to  fetch  me. 

All  my  acquaintances  know  that  very  few   months 

passed  without  gifts  coming  from  the  Mogul  grandees, 

who  gave  me  many  presents,  and  sent  to  me  patients 

of  title  and  many  others.     Experience  was  my  great 

14 


i98  WHY  MANUCCI  LEFT  THE  MOGUL  COUNTRY 

teacher,  whereby  I  had  acquired  several  secrets,  in 
which  it  may  be  that  I  shall  allow  the  world  to  partici- 
pate, for  I  have  no  heir  to  whom  to  bequeath  these 
treasures  that  preserve  our  bodily  health.  But  among 
the  others  I  may  as  well  mention  that  I  manufactured 
certain  cordials  regardless  of  expense,  the  same  being 
wonderful  in  certain  complaints,  as  many  can  testify. 
Yet  it  is  only  a  short  time  ago  that  I  began  to  distribute 
these  cordials,  for  I  have  no  wish  to  imitate  those  who, 
keener  for  others'  gold  than  the  health  of  their  fellow 
men,  make  up  mixtures  of  various  things  and  sell  them 
as  cordials.  I  did  not  begin  to  sell  mine  until  experi- 
ence had  taught  me  that  the  purchasers  would  not  be 
cheated.  My  residence  in  Madras  will  offer  no  prejudice 
to  the  continuation  of  my  history,  for,  besides  the  spies 
I  employed,  the  nobles  were  pleased  to  forward  me 
news  of  what  took  place  in  the  camp. 

I  know  quite  well  that  some  in  reading  this  history 
will  comment  on  my  leaving  the  Mogul  country  so 
many  times  and  then  going  back.  Some  will  say  to 
themselves  that  in  those  lands  there  must  be  some 
delectable  fields  which  caused  my  return  there.  But 
in  reality,  granting  that  by  God's  favour  I  did  have  the 
luck  to  attain  some  good  fortune,  yet  never  had  I  any 
desire  to  settle  there.  For  of  a  truth  they  have  nothing 
that  can  delight  or  win  people  from  Europe,  or  make 
them  desire  to  live  there.  The  country  is  not  good  for 
the  body,  much  less  for  the  soul ;  for  the  body  it  is 
requisite  to  live  ever  on  the  qui  vive  and  keep  your 
eyes  open,  since  no  one  ever  says  a  word  that  can  be 
relied  on.  It  is  continuously  requisite  to  think  the 
worst,  and  believe  the  contrary  of  what  is  said ;  for  it 
is  the  habit  there  absolutely  to  act  according  to  the 
proverb  of  my  country,  "  Pleasant  words,  sad  actions." 
They  deceive  both  the  acute  and  the  careless ;  thus, 
when  they  show  themselves  the  greatest  friends,  you 
require  to  be  doubly  careful. 

The  country  is  not  good  for  the  soul,  as  much  from 
the  licence  one  has  there,  as  from  the  absence  of 


IN   THE   SERVICE   OF   SHAH   'ALAM,    1680-85     199 

Catholic  observances.  Thus,  when  I  could  leave  it,  I 
did  so ;  nor  should  have  I  ever  gone  back  there,  had  I 
not  been  forced  by  necessity.  I  offer  up  many  thanks 
to  God  that  at  length  He  granted  me  means  to  deliver 
myself,  and  I  assure  the  reader  that  few  Europeans 
could  live  there  with  the  advantages  and  honours  I 
was  able  to  achieve.  Nor  let  him  be  led  away  by 
the  hope  that,  resorting  thither,  he  would  be  able  to 
improve  himself  in  any  degree.  For  few  indeed  are 
they  who  return  thence  bettered,  and  many  are  those 
who  have  been  made  worse. 

Among  other  occasions,  there  was  one  when  the 
king's  wife,  the  mother  of  Shah  'Alam,  was  gra- 
ciously pleased  to  give  me  testimony  of  her 
goodwill  towards  me  in  recognition  of  my  having 
accompanied  the  prince  her  son  from  Goa  to  court. 
This  princess  showed  me  great  affection  because  I 
had  attended  her  and  bled  her  several  times,  in  addition 
to  which  she  had  often  to  send  for  me,  as  she  suffered 
much  from  gout.  As  it  was  I  who  prescribed  for 
her,  she  often  sent  me  some  dainty,  as  is  the  fashion 
of  these  ladies  to  do  to  those  whom  they  esteem. 
When  I  bled  her  she  put  her  arm  out  from  the  curtain, 
but  wrapped  up,  leaving  only  one  little  spot  uncovered, 
about  as  wide  as  two  fingers,  close  to  the  vein.  For 
that  attendance  I  got  from  her  four  hundred  rupees 
and  a  sardpd  (set  of  robes)  as  a  present,  and  I  bled  her 
regularly  twice  a  year. 

It  should  be  understood  that,  before  a  European 
can  acquire  the  office  of  physician  among  these  princes, 
he  must  be  put  to  the  proof  a  long  time,  for  they  are 
extremely  distrustful  and  nice  in  such  matters. 
Every  month  the  princesses  and  the  ladies  have 
themselves  bled,  which  is  done  in  the  way  I  have 
above  described.  It  is  just  the  same  when  they  want 
themselves  bled  in  the  foot,  or  have  any  wound  or 
fistula  dressed  ;  nothing  is  ever  shown  but  the  part 
affected  or  the  vein  they  wish  opened.  When  I  bled 


200        MUTUAL   DISTRUST   AMONG   PRINCES 

the  wives  and  daughters  of  Shah  'Alam,  each  of  them 
gave  me  two  hundred  rupees  and  a  sarapa,  but  when 
I  bled  that  prince,  who  was  my  employer,  and  he  was 
at  court,  I  could  not  do  it  without  the  leave  of  the 
king.  For  this  bleeding  I  got  four  hundred  rupees, 
a  sarapa,  and  a  horse. 

When  I  had  finished  I  had  to  report  to  the  king  the 
quantity  of  blood  I  had  drawn,  what  was  the  prince's 
reigning  humour,  and  reply  according  to  circumstances 
to  the  inquiries  made  by  the  king  on  this  subject. 
After  this  he  would  give  me  my  dismissal,  granting 
me  a  sarapa.  For  each  bleeding  of  one  of  the  prince's 
sons  I  received  two  hundred  rupees,  a  sarapa,  and  a 
horse. 

The  distrust  among  these  princes  is  so  acute  that 
the  father  does  not  trust  the  son,  nor  the  son  his 
father.  Here  is  an  instance  :  Sultan  Mu'izz-ud-din, 
eldest  son  of  Shah  'Alam,  was  graciously  pleased  to 
act  as  intermediary,  and  to  intercede  for  me  with 
his  father  to  get  me  back  into  his  service,  as  I 
have  related  more  at  length  in  my  account  of  Goa. 
The  father,  without  any  other  reason,  commanded 
me  not  to  go  to  the  court  of  the  said  Sultan,  giving 
him  orders  at  the  same  time  not  to  send  for  me. 
Let  him,  said  Shah  'Alam,  employ  his  own 
doctors,  and  not  me.  Upon  this  subject  they  had 
some  words,  and  thereupon  separated.  Some- 
time afterwards  Sultan  Mu'izz-ud-din  feigned  the 
invalid,  and  no  longer  went  to  the  court  of  his  father. 
As  soon  as  the  latter  heard  of  the  illness  he  sent  his 
Persian  physicians,  and  these  men  reported  that  he 
was  not  in  the  least  unwell.  To  give  them  the  lie, 
and  show  that  he  required  my  treatment,  he  made 
one  of  his  women  servants  suck  a  place  in  his  neck, 
and  thereby  raised  a  blue  mark.  On  learning  that 
he  was  suffering  from  this  blue  mark,  Shah  'Alam, 
without  knowing  the  cause  of  it,  had  the  idea 
that  he  required  bleeding.  So  he  ordered  me  to 
see  him  at  his  residence,  and,  with  a  view  to  satis- 


IN  THE  SERVICE  OF  SHAH  'ALAM,  1680-85      201 

fying  his  son,  told  me  to  go  whenever  he  sent  for 
me ;  and  in  this  manner  they  made  it  up,  and  were 
at  peace. 

Perhaps  it  will  be  found  not  altogether  devoid  of 
utility  if  I  impart  to  my  readers  several  events  that 
happened  to  me  which  are  proof  of  the  prince's  kind- 
ness and  of  the  friendship  he  bore  me.  Seeing  that 
I  was  not  married,  he  inquired  from  me,  through  the 
first  princess  in  his  mahal  (seraglio),  why  I  did  not 
take  a  wife.  I  replied  that  I  found  none  of  my  standing 
that  took  my  fancy.  This  lady  and  her  husband  were 
both  desirous  to  get  me  married,  so  as  to  retain  me 
and  hinder  my  leaving  Hindustan  and  his  court. 
She  said  to  me  that  she  would  send  for  all  the 
daughters  of  Christians,  whether  Europeans  or  Ar- 
menians, and  I  had  only  to  choose  the  one  I  liked  best. 
She  would  see  that  I  obtained  the  girl,  would  give 
her  away  in  marriage  herself,  and  provide  all  the 
expenses  necessary  on  such  occasions,  adding  a  number 
of  other  promises.  I  thanked  her,  and  made  her  under- 
stand how  grateful  I  was  for  all  her  favours,  but 
being  a  man  of  family,  it  was  not  correct  for  me  to 
accept  a  bride  such  as  she  proposed.  To  that  she 
replied  by  a  great  many  things ;  among  others,  that 
Mahomedans  took  anybody,  without  regard  to  their 
birth.  Although  Christians  could  never  have  pre- 
tensions to  such  an  honour,  yet,  if  I  would  agree,  she 
would  have  all  her  maids-of-honour  brought  before 
me,  and  I  had  only  to  select  the  one  1  most  liked,  and 
she  should  be  given  to  me  as  wife,  nothing  remaining 
but  to  carry  her  away  to  my  dwelling. 

Being  weary  of  all  this  woman's  talk,  1  gave  an 
off-hand  answer  that  I  was  incapacitated  for  marriage. 
But  on  she  went,  and,  with  a  number  of  other  remarks, 
refuted  me  by  saying  that  my  bearing  and  complexion 
showed  the  falsity  of  what  I  told  her.  Finally,  after 
all  this  discourse,  she  ordered  me  to  put  my  hand 
inside  the  curtains  of  the  bed  to  feel  her  pulse ;  for 
this  is  the  way  one  has  to  deal  with  these  ladies, 
14* 


202  A   MERRY  JEST 

as  I  have  said.  I  noted  that  the  arm  was  thick, 
muscular,  and  hairy,  and  by  these  signs  I  knew  at 
once  it  was  a  man's  arm  ;  and  it  turned  out  to  be 
Shah  'Alam  himself.  Without  delay  I  rose  and  said 
that  the  arm  I  had  touched  was  a  man's,  and  not  a 
woman's,  and  it  could  be  no  other  than  that  of  the 
King  of  the  World.  At  these  words  the  prince  burst 
out  laughing,  and  told  me  that  I  knew  how  to  distin- 
guish the  difference  between  a  man  and  a  woman. 

Wishing  to  retain  me  and  gain  me  entirely  over  to 
his  interest,  the  prince  thought  that  women  would  be 
a  good  vehicle  to  secure  his  object  ;  for  it  is  very 
common  for  men  to  be  destroyed  by  this  snare.  Here 
is  how  he  set  to  work.  He  asked  me  if  I  knew  there 
was  a  European  in  his  palace.  I  said  I  did  not. 
Instantly,  while  we  were  speaking,  there  came  out 
of  a  room  a  very  pretty  girl,  dressed  as  a  man  in 
European  style,  with  a  gold-mounted  sword  at  her 
side.  As  soon  as  she  saw  me  she  lifted  her  hat  and 
saluted  me.  I  was  conscious  at  once  that  it  was  the 
prince  who  had  put  all  this  in  play  to  amuse  himself, 
and  see  if  he  could  gain  me  over.  But  I  feigned  the 
ignoramus,  as  if  I  had  not  noticed  anything,  returned 
the  bow,  and  proffered  some  compliments.  Speaking 
French,  I  went  up  to  her  to  kiss  her,  when  at  once 
she  turned  her  back  and  fled.  I  ran  after  her,  as  if 
wishing  to  embrace  her,  but  she  ran  faster  than  I 
did.  However,  I  did  my  utmost  to  overtake  her. 
Laughing,  the  prince  cried  out  to  me.  At  his  voice 
I  came  back  with  slow  steps  close  to  him,  much  put 
out  at  not  having  succeeding  in  embracing  the  young 
person. 

When  I  had  come  close,  he  asked  me  what  I  wanted 
to  do.  I  replied  that  1  wanted  to  embrace  and  kiss 
the  would-be  young  man.  He  assumed  to  be  aston- 
ished at  such  a  piece  of  audacity,  then  took  to  smiling 
at  it  ever  so  long,  as  did  all  the  princesses. 

Afterwards  he  told  me  that  the  FarangI  I  had  seen 


IN  THE  SERVICE  OF  SHAH  'ALAM,  1680-85      203 

was  not  a  man,  but  a  woman,  and  if  I  would  have  her 
he  would  give  her  to  me,  and  she  could  serve  to  carry 
my  medicines  to  the  mahal.  I  answered,  with  a  serious 
air,  that  she  was  no  use  for  that,  as  medicines  admini- 
stered by  a  woman's  hand  produced  no  effect.  The 
prince  joked  for  a  long  time  with  the  princesses  over 
what  I  had  said.  This  is  the  greatest  amusement  he 
has.  All  other  Mahomedans  also  pass  the  greater  part 
of  their  time  among  their  women.  This  is  so  much  the 
case  that  through  them  important  business  at  court 
is  transacted.  For  my  part  I  have  done  a  great  deal 
thus,  principally  through  the  first  princess. 

It  is  the  custom  in  the  royal  household,  when  a 
physician  is  called  within  the  mahal,  for  the  eunuch  to 
cover  his  head  with  a  cloth,  which  hangs  down  to  his 
waist.  Then  they  conduct  him  to  the  patient's  room, 
and  he  is  taken  out  in  the  same  manner.  The  first  time 
that  I  was  led  through  the  palace,  I  was  fitted  out  in 
the  above  fashion,  but,  by  premeditation,  I  walked  as 
slowly  as  I  could,  in  spite  of  the  urging  of  my  guides, 
the  eunuchs.  The  prince,  having  seen  this,  ordered  them 
to  uncover  me,  and  that  in  future  I  was  to  be  allowed 
to  come  and  go  without  being  covered.  He  said  that 
the  minds  of  the  Christians  were  not  filthy  like  those 
of  the  Mahomedans. 

This  prince  held  me  in  such  affection  that  he  granted 
me  permission  to  enter  the  Ghusul-klianah,  which  is 
a  secret  place  where  the  second  audience  is  given  and 
the  council  sits.  Into  it  only  the  principal  lords  and 
officers  of  the  court  enter.  If  anyone  fails  to  attend, 
whether  by  accident  or  otherwise,  he  cannot  enter 
any  more  without  fresh  permission.  To  obtain  this 
renewal  he  must  make  some  present  to  the  prince, 
at  the  very  least  one  gold  and  nine  silver  coins ;  but 
with  respect  to  me,  I  had  liberty  to  enter  and  come 
out  without  anything  of  that  sort.  As  the  prince  was 
in  a  fright  that  I  would  quit  his  service,  he  sought 
from  time  to  time  means  of  obliging  me,  and  paid  me 
all  the  honours  such  as  I  have  reported.  However, 


204      IN  THE  SERVICE  OF  SHAH  'ALAM,  1680-85 

finding  he  could  not  capture  me  through  women,  he 
resolved  to  have  a  friendly  talk  with  me  on  religion. 

Having  sent  for  me,  he  begged  me  not  to  take  it 
amiss  if  he  gave  me  a  warning;  his  religion  forced 
it  upon  him,  and  to  discharge  his  conscience  he  was 
obliged  to  give  it  thrice.  Following  on  this,  he  said 
it  was  his  intention  to  elevate  me  to  the  rank  of  a 
noble  at  his  court;  but  before  this  could  be  I  must 
adopt  his  religion,  which  was  assuredly  the  best,  and 
through  it  I  would  gain  salvation.  The  moment  he 
had  finished  his  discourse  I  made  a  very  low  bow, 
and  said  I  knew  very  well  what  was  contained  in  the 
Quran,  also  what  the  Gospel  imposed  on  me.  There 
I  had  learnt  that  without  baptism  no  one  could  enter 
the  kingdom  of  heaven,  and  to  gain  it  I  was  ready 
to  spend  and  give  up  my  life. 

Seeing  me  so  determined,  he  changed  the  subject, 
and  he  ordered  me  to  send  at  once  to  procure  him 
some  crystal  vessels  for  drinking  water  from.  I  sent 
off  a  man  to  Bombay  to  bring  some.  This  order 
he  executed — nay,  those  he  brought  were  very  hand- 
some. These  I  presented  to  the  prince.  He  seemed 
to  be  astonished  to  see  so  many  crystals  at  once — 
more  than  he  had  ever  seen  in  his  life — for  he 
imagined  them  to  be  of  rock-crystal,  which  is  ex- 
tremely costly  in  the  Mogul  country.  This  is  the 
reason  of  his  'asking  me  what  the  whole  might  be 
worth.  Quite  happy,  I  answered  him  that  it  was  a 
present  from  me,  and  that  Doctor  Nicolas  stated  no 
prices  to  kings.  He  was  so  satisfied  with  this  reply, 
that,  coming  to  me,  he  patted  me  on  the  shoulders, 
and  said  that  should  God  ever  be  gracious  and  make 
him  king,  he  would  remember  my  generosity.  At  the 
same  time  he  ordered  them  to  give  me  a  very  valuable 
set  of  robes  and  a  very  nice  horse. 

I  must  here  make  the  remark  that  when  these  kings 
and  princes  give  audience  they  display  all  imaginable 
gravity  and  majesty  in  order  to  inspire  fear  in  every- 
body, but  in  their  mahal  and  in  private  they  are  as 


IN  THE  SERVICE  OF  SHAH  'ALAM,  1680-85      205 

lowly  as  infants.  This  I  have  experienced  several 
times,  they  going  so  far  as  to  play  with  me  with  all 
possible  familiarity.  It  is  true  that  it  may  be  said  that 
all  these  pretty  stories  referring  to  me  are  of  no  great 
value  to  the  public,  but  I  thought  a  charitable  reader 
would  easily  pardon  this  small  satisfaction  which  I 
have  ventured  to  give  myself.  Moreover,  if  anyone 
were  about  to  travel  in  these  far-off  places,  it  may  be 
that  at  some  conjuncture  these  tales  of  my  humble 
adventures  will  not  be  entirely  useless  to  him. 

As  the  entire  thoughts  of  these  princes  are  turned 
in  the  direction  of  the  throne,  they  search  out  very 
carefully  any  means  of  conferring  favours  on  the  most 
powerful  men,  in  the  hope  of  having  them  on  their 
side.  Shah  'Alam  had  usually  with  him  a  Hindu 
prince  called  Bau  Sing  (Bhao  Singh),  leader  of  twelve 
thousand  horsemen,  and  a  vassal  of  the  king.  He 
served  under  the  orders  of  Shah  'Alam.  Noticing 
that  he  had  ceased  to  come  to  court,  being  unwell, 
the  prince  sent  me  to  visit  him  on  his  behalf,  and 
offer  my  services.  This  was  merely  to  oblige  him, 
and  gain  him  to  his  side,  should  any  occasion  present 
itself. 

The  rajah  was  already  old,  and  was  suffering  from 
his  lungs.  The  prince,  however,  directed  me  to 
observe  him  and  reckon  how  long  he  might  yet  live. 
Bhao  Singh  received  my  visit,  but  refused  my  services, 
and  told  me  if  I  gave  him  any  medicines  he  would  put 
them  with  the  rest  I  saw  there.  He  had  a  whole 
roomful.  God  might  do  with  him  according  to  His 
pleasure,  but  he  would  not  take  the  medicines,  beyond 
looking  at  them.  All  this  care  was  because  he  was 
afraid  of  being  poisoned.  This  fear  was  increased  by 
the  example  he  had  in  Rajah  Jai  Singh  and  several 
others  to  whom  such  a  fate  had  happened.  I  must 
say  the  prince  never  had  any  designs  of  that  sort,  and 
all  he  did  was  intended  to  oblige.  I  may  add  that 
during  all  the  time  I  had  the  honour  to  serve  him, 
he  never  suggested  employing  me  for  such  a  purpose. 


206      IN  THE  SERVICE  OF  SHAH  CALAM,  1680-85 

Still,  he  made  a  trial  as  to  whether  I  was  of  a  nature 
that  would  carry  out  such  devices.  This  I  discovered 
in  the  course  of  time.  For  example,  he  sent  to  me 
some  unknown  persons  who  offered  me  large  sums 
to  bring  to  their  death  other  patients  that  I  was 
treating.  Others  asked  me  to  sell  them  poison,  but 
no  one  ever  got  me  to  accede  to  such  a  demand. 
Another  stratagem  was  also  made  use  of  to  test  me 
and  attempt  to  find  me  out  in  a  fault.  This  was  the 
sending  to  my  house  of  a  young  and  very  pretty  girl, 
in  charge  of  an  old  woman,  on  the  pretext  that  the 
young  beauty  was  ailing.  She  was  barely  eighteen, 
and  I  found  out  from  her  pulse  that  she  was  the  very 
reverse  of  indisposed.  I  asked  her  if  she  suffered 
from  any  pain  which  could  not  be  detected  from  the 
pulse.  As  I  interrogated  her,  the  old  woman,  making 
believe  that  she  was  a  simpleton,  left  us  and  took  a 
turn  in  the  garden.  The  young  girl  seemed  at  once 
to  grow  very  free  with  me,  as  well  as  by  word  as 
by  deed.  She  told  me  she  longed  for  my  friendship, 
while  hers  would  not  be  useless  to  me.  She  could 
secure  me  many  advantages.  As  soon  as  I  heard 
her  talk  I  was  disgusted,  and,  quitting  her,  I  came 
out  and  shouted  to  the  old  dame  to  take  her  away. 
I  then  grew  angry,  and,  calling  my  men,  ordered  them 
both  to  be  ejected. 

Two  months  afterwards  there  came  another  still 
more  lovely ;  but  she  was  alone,  and  in  a  palanquin. 
Under  the  same  pretence  of  illness  she  told  me  she 
came  from  a  great  distance  to  procure  a  cure.  She 
entered  my  house  wrapped  in  a  shroud,  but  on  nearing 
me  she  uncovered,  and  throwing  herself  at  my  feet, 
implored  me  to  keep  her  in  my  house ;  for,  being  a 
stranger,  she  knew  not  where  to  turn.  Her  prayer 
was  repeated  several  times.  I  noticed  that  she  had 
on  her  jewels  of  great  value,  and  her  clothes  were 
those  of  a  person  of  quality,  so  fine  that  her  skin 
showed  through.  All  this  troubled  me,  and  I  fancied 
that  it  might  be  to  betray  me.  Still  more  did  I 


IN  THE  SERVICE  OF  SHAH  'ALAM,  1680-85      207 

think  so,  for  the  same  thing  had  happened  to  others ; 
and  as  I  had  no  intention  of  marrying,  it  did  not  suit 
my  views  to  get  entangled. 

With  the  object,  then,  of  getting  her  away,  I  ex- 
pressed my  sympathy,  and  by  pleasant  words  sent 
her  off.  Some  time  afterwards  I  was  warned  that 
this  was  one  of  Shah  'Alam's  tricks,  only  resorted  to 
in  the  hope  that  she  would  take  my  fancy — that  I 
should  have  an  affair  with  her,  and  by  this  means  he 
would  obtain  an  opening  for  compelling  my  con- 
tinuance in  Hindustan,  with  a  change  in  my  religion, 
or  else  the  loss  of  my  life,  as  has  happened  to  many 
who  have  lost  their  souls  for  a  woman's  love.  Only  a 
few  years  ago  two  Capuchins,  or  rather  Portuguese, 
in  the  town  of  Isfahan  fell  into  this  sad  soul-destroying 
misfortune.  One  of  them  was  prior  of  the  convent, 
and  both  were  forced  to  become  Mahomedans  through 
similar  events.  Afterwards,  under  pretext  that  they 
were  of  that  religion,  they  robbed  a  merchant  of  their 
own  nation.  God  forgive  those  who  send  out  characters 
like  these  to  be  missionaries. 

The  kings  and  princes  delight  in  showing  themselves 
to  be  just,  and  when  taking  cognisance  of  important 
business,  they  endeavour  to  hold  the  balance  even. 
Since  I  was  in  Shah  'Alam's  service  in  the  capacity  of 
physician,  I  was  an  object  of  envy  to  other  physicians, 
the  Persians,  who  sought  means  to  ruin  me.  It  chanced 
that  a  brother-in-law  of  the  prince,  named  Mirza 
Sulaiman  Beg,  fell  ill  from  a  fullness  of  the  blood. 
The  prince  directed  his  chief  Persian  physicians, 
named  Aguins  (Hakims),  Moquins  (?  Muqim),  and 
Mosencan  (Muhsin  Khan),  to  prescribe  for  him. 
They  failed  in  curing  him,  and  instead  of  bleeding 
him  and  cooling  him  down,  they  gave  him  hot 
remedies.  They  treated  him  in  such  a  way  that  in 
a  few  days  he  was  in  the  throes  of  death.  When  he 
was  in  this  state,  one  of  his  brothers,  named  Mirza 
Mahomed  Moquim  (Muhammad  Muqim)  took  me  to 
the  patient's  house,  hoping  I  might  help  him.  I  saw 


208  JEALOUSY    OF   OTHER   PHYSICIANS 

at  once  that  there  was  nothing  more  to  be  done.  On 
the  prince  hearing  the  opinion  I  had  expressed  about 
his  brother-in-law,  he  asked  his  physicians  the  reason 
he  had  fallen  into  this  condition.  They  had  the  ill- 
will  to  say  that  I  was  the  cause.  To  find  out  the 
truth  Shah  'Alam  sent  the  nazir  Daulat,  the  chief 
eunuch  of  his  palace.  This  man  on  his  return  re- 
ported that  the  patient  complained  that  the  said 
physicians  killed  him,  whereas  had  the  Doctor 
Nicolas  only  treated  him,  he  would  not  have  lost 
his  life.  While  saying  these  words  the  poor  man 
expired.  But  the  testimony  he  had  given  me  con- 
ferred much  credit  upon  me  at  court,  and  gained  me 
the  esteem  of  everybody. 

After  a  time  it  came  to  pass  that  Mirza  Muhammad 
Muqfm,  brother  of  the  deceased,  of  whom  I  have 
just  spoken,  went  out  of  his  mind.  In  an  access  of 
madness  he  slew  his  father-in-law  and  some  servants, 
and  committed  many  other  crimes.  On  hearing  this, 
the  prince  made  him  over  to  his  physicians.  Their 
report  was  that  such  a  man  could  never  recover  the 
senses  that  he  had  lost.  To  demonstrate  the  force  of 
their  opinion,  they  cited  as  proof  a  passage  in  the 
Quran  which  says  that  for  madness  there  is  no  cure. 

Shah  'Alam  heard  this  sad  decision  pronounced,  and 
at  once  ordered  the  patient  to  be  placed  in  my  care,  as 
he  believed  I  should  find  a  remedy.  I  know  not 
whether  this  was  actually  because  he  thought  me 
cleverer  than  the  others,  or  because  I  was  a  Christian. 
For  I  had  often  noticed  that  many  patients  were  made 
over  to  me  when  their  health  was  in  a  desperate  state, 
because  they  had  taken  it  into  their  heads  that  the 
Saviour  had  invested  me  with  some  virtue  or  other. 
With  the  permission  of  God  I  cured  this  lord  in  a  few 
days.  To  reward  me  for  my  trouble  and  for  any 
expense  I  had  incurred,  he  sent  me  a  horse  with  very 
good  paces,  but  made  no  other  payment.  The  reason 
of  such  a  meagre  present  was  his  miserliness.  On  my 
side  1  was  much  put  out  at  getting  so  little  for  all  the 


SUCCESSFUL  CASES  209 

trouble  I  had  taken.  So,  without  any  word  of  thanks, 
I  sent  the  horse  back,  telling  the  groom  who  had 
brought  him,  when  many  men  were  present,  that  his 
master  was  in  no  state  to  send  gifts  before  he  had 
recovered  his  reason  perfectly,  and  when  he  had  re- 
covered his  health  I  would  accept  what  he  sent  to 
me.  He  had  hardly  heard  my  message  when  he  sent 
me  the  same  horse  with  a  thousand  rupees  and  a  very 
handsome  set  of  robes.  The  truth  is  that  he  did  not 
send  me  the  present  willingly,  but  felt  constrained  to 
do  it  for  fear  I  might  tell  everyone  he  was  still  mad. 
By  this  means  he  would  lose  the  office  he  held  at 
court,  and  also  lose  everyone's  confidence.  Shah 
'Alam,  when  he  learnt  what  had  passed,  was  very 
satisfied  at  the  cure,  and  still  more  with  the  answer  I 
had  given  about  the  present.  On  his  part  he  gave  me 
a  horse  and  a  set  of  robes,  adding  many  praises  from 
his  own  lips,  a  habit  common  enough  to  these  princes 
with  physicians  who  succeed  in  curing  patients  they 
have  made  over  to  their  care. 

Shah  'Alam  had  directed  the  physician  Muqim  to 
treat  the  wife  of  one  of  his  captains  called  Mabarescan 
(Mubariz  Khan),  a  man  much  beloved  by  that  prince. 
This  woman  had  been  long  in  a  decline,  and  was  worn 
out  by  the  quantity  of  blood  she  had  lost.  The  doctor, 
finding  that  his  remedies  did  her  no  good,  lost  all  hope 
of  her,  and  intimated  to  the  prince  that  her  life  was  in 
danger.  On  hearing  this,  Shah  'Alam  ordered  me  to 
take  over  the  case.  I  applied  myself  to  her  relief  with 
all  possible  care  and  diligence,  and  in  a  short  time  I 
had  pulled  her  through.  The  physician  was  vexed  in 
his  mind,  but  outwardly  he  displayed  much  goodwill 
to  me,  just  the  contrary  of  his  real  feeling.  I  was 
not  taken  in,  for  I  had  known  that  pilgrim  for  many  a 
long  day. 

The  physician  Muhsin  Khan  treated  a  uterine(?foster) 
brother  of  the  prince,  whose  name  was  Muhammad 
Riza.  He  had  a  severe  fever,  which  made  him  delirious. 
The  physician,  not  recognising  the  complaint,  came  to 


210  POOR   REWARDS   FOR   SERVICE 

the  conclusion  that  there  was  no  remedy,  and  gave 
him  up.  After  that  I  was  ordered  to  treat  the  man, 
and  in  a  short  time  I  put  him  on  his  legs  again.  There 
were  other  patients  who  had  been  given  up  in  the 
same  way  by  these  gentlemen,  but  subsequently 
recovered  their  health  under  my  hands,  to  those  phy- 
sicians' disgrace  and  loss  of  reputation.  This  is  the 
reason  they  were  no  friends  of  mine  ;  still  more  so  that, 
though  their  patients  came  to  me,  none  of  mine  went 
to  them. 

I  also  cured  a  noble  from  Balkh  called  Fath-ullah 
Khan,  a  title  conferred  on  him  by  the  king.  He  had 
afterwards  married  an  extremely  pretty  woman,  who 
had  served  up  to  him  nothing  but  delicious  plats  until 
he  got  ill,  and  lost  his  appetite.  He  grew  so  thin  that 
he  looked  like  a  skeleton,  and  no  physician  was  able 
to  do  him  any  good.  In  the  end  Shah  'Alam  ordered 
me  to  take  charge  of  him.  I  knew  the  constitution  of 
these  savages,  so  I  gave  him  a  comforting  syrup,  which 
could  do  him  neither  harm  nor  good.  Then  I  ordered 
him  to  get  his  stews  made  of  horseflesh,  and  by  this 
means  he  was  in  a  short  time  restored  to  his  former 
rude  strength. 

From  this  I  acquired  such  renown  that  many  men  of 
this  race  came  to  me  for  treatment.  But  1  got  very 
little  out  of  them,  for  they  are  very  avaricious  and  paid 
me  highly  in  compliments  only.  Moreover,  I  had  the 
reputation  of  being  charitable  and  curing  the  poor  for 
the  love  of  God.  Thus  everybody  flocked  to  my  house. 
The  Mahomedan  and  Hindu  surgeons  were  very  much 
provoked,  for  their  interests  were  involved  and  they 
lost  their  practice.  However,  as  they  saw  they  could 
not  injure  me  directly,  they  started  the  rumour  that  I 
drank  the  blood  that  I  drew  from  Mahomedans,  that  it 
was  by  this  means  that  I  was  made  so  brisk  and 
energetic  and  had  such  a  high  colour.  All  this  was 
simply  to  hinder  people  coming  to  me  to  be  treated. 
Everybody  supposed  that  what  they  had  published  was 
true,  and  great  repugnance  was  shown  to  be  bled  by 


ENCOUNTER   WITH   AN   ANGRY  SLAVE       211 

me.  Aware  of  what  it  was  that  troubled  them,  I  told 
them  to  bring  with  them  a  china  vessel,  and  all  they 
had  to  do  was  to  carry  the  blood  home,  and  there 
bury  it,  for  fear  any  cat  or  dog  might  consume  it ; 
for  if  that  happened,  they  would  make  noises  ex- 
actly like  those  animals.  By  this  measure  I  put  an 
end  to  the  false  rumours,  and  they  were  no  longer 
spoken  of. 

One  day,  as  I  was  attending  to  the  treatment  of  some 
patients  with  all  possible  care,  there  comes  into  my 
house  a  king's  slave  in  a  great  rage  and  a  great  hurry, 
making  much  noise  and  throwing  everything  into  con- 
fusion. This  man  I  imagine  had  been  sent  by  the 
other  doctors,  my  enemies.  I  went  up  to  him  and 
begged  him  most  civilly  and  even  humbly  to  do  me  the 
favour  of  not  upsetting  the  sick  men.  But  he  paid  me 
no  heed,  and  went  on  worse  than  before,  and  abused 
me.  Seeing  how  insolent  he  was,  I  signed  to  my  men 
to  fall  upon  him  without  giving  him  time  to  draw, 
which  they  forthwith  did.  Our  man,  finding  himself 
caught,  flew  into  a  fearful  rage,  and  made  more  noise 
than  ever.  He  said  he  would  kill  me  and  my  men  and 
other  such  outrageous  speeches. 

Thereupon  I  assumed  an  aspect  of  mingled  severity 
and  sadness,  and  said  I  had  compassion  for  him,  seeing 
he  was  suffering  from  blood  to  the  head.  His  was  a 
case  for  bloodletting.  This  remark  made  him  more 
fusions  still  and  he  struggled  to  get  free.  Without 
heat,  I  ordered  them  to  undress  him  and  then  bind 
him  ;  and  sending  for  a  lancet,  I  made  ready  to  bleed 
him.  The  slave,  still  angry,  insisted  that  I  must  not 
bleed  him  ;  if  I  did  he  would  kill  me.  My  answer  was 
given  in  an  amiable  tone  before  everyone  that  it  was 
absolutely  necessary  to  bleed  him,  that  the  blood  had 
gone  to  his  head,  and  assuredly  if  not  treated  he  would 
be  the  death  of  someone. 

In  the  end,  by  force  I  opened  two  veins  in  his  arm. 
The  fellow  was  still  angry  and  wanted  me  to  close  the 
veins ;  but  ignoring  what  he  said,  I  showed  sorrow  at 


212      IN   THE  SERVICE  OF  SHAH    <ALAM,    1680-85 

beholding  his  blood,  from  time  to  time  feeling  his 
pulse,  and  saying  that  his  blood  was  very  vitiated. 
Then,  raising  my  eyes,  I  looked  in  his  face  and  asked 
if  he  did  not  already  feel  an  alteration  in  his  body. 
Finding  that  his  menaces  and  loud  talk  were  of  no 
good  to  him,  nobody  listening  to  them,  he  adopted  at 
last  the  mode  of  humble  entreaty,  and  said  in  a  feeble 
voice  that  God  had  brought  him  to  my  house  to  be 
cured  of  the  ills  he  had  suffered  from  through  many 
years.  He  thanked  me  for  my  trouble.  In  spite  of 
this  I  did  not  trust  him  without  precautions,  so,  closing 
the  veins  with  two  fingers,  I  put  several  new  questions. 
Having  replied  very  properly  and  civilly  to  these,  just 
as  he  ought,  I  closed  the  veins  and  had  his  clothes  and 
weapons  returned  to  him.  After  this  he  said  a  thousand 
flattering  things  about  me,  and  never  more  passed  in 
front  of  my  door.  When  we  met  at  the  king's  or  else- 
where, he  was  very  polite  to  me.  I  have  always 
thought  that  he  did  this  only  from  the  fear  he  had  that 
I  might  announce  he  was  mad,  or  that  I  might  drain 
all  the  blood  from  his  body. 

It  is  not  the  practice  among  these  princes  for  nobles 
to  have  converse  with  the  favourites  and  servants  of 
other  princes  for  fear  they  may  spin  some  web  of 
treason.  If  it  is  ever  the  case,  it  is  always  with  the 
permission  of  their  master.  It  happened  that  Diler 
Khan  fell  ill ;  he  was  Shah  'Alam's  enemy,  yet  he  sent 
for  me  to  prescribe  for  him.  He  knew  of  the  pro- 
hibitions on  the  subject ;  he  sent  word  that  if  I  went 
to  his  house,  it  would  afford  a  good  opening  for  him 
to  become  friends  with  the  prince.  He  would  always 
be  ready  to  assist  him  with  all  the  cavalry  under 
his  command  on  any  and  every  occasion  that  might 
arise. 

As  I  knew  the  custom  of  the  court  and  the  scurvy 
tricks  of  the  Mahomedans,  I  informed  the  prince  of 
this  affair,  and  pointed  out  to  him  that  Diler  Khan  had 
sent  for  me.  Hardly  were  the  words  out  of  my  mouth 
when  his  face  began  to  flush  and  he  asked  me  very 


IN  THE  SERVICE  OF  SHAH  <ALAM,  1680-85     213 

hastily  whether  I  wanted  to  go  there.  To  that  I 
replied  with  a  smiling  face  that,  if  I  was  anxious  to 
go  there,  it  was  only  to  see  the  state  he  was  in — 
whether  he  would  live  or  die,  so  that  I  might  make 
my  report  to  His  Highness.  These  words  appeased 
him,  and  he  forbade  me  to  go.  Diler  Khan  died,  and 
it  was  found  to  be  poison  administered  by  his  son-in- 
law,  Azil  Can,  and  by  one  of  the  prince's  commanders. 


PART    III 

GOVERNOR  GYFFORD  EMPLOYS  MANUCCI 

IN  the  year  one  thousand  six  hundred  and  eighty-six, 
seven  days  after  my  arrival  at  Madras,  Governor 
William  Guiford  (Gyfford)  sent  for  me  and  informed 
me  that  the  governors  and  officials  of  the  Mogul  king 
in  Bengal  province  had  been  ill-treating  his  (the 
English)  factors.  They  hindered  them  from  exer- 
cising the  privileges  conceded  to  them  by  the  Mogul 
kings.  For  two  years  he  had  made  efforts  to  bring 
his  grievances  before  the  king,  and  had  spent  much 
money,  yet  had  been  unable  to  impart  to  the  king 
in  person  the  damage  they  were  doing  him.  On 
this  account  they  had  begun  a  war  on  the  Governor 
of  Hugli. 

He  prayed  me  to  find  some  means  by  which  King 
Aurangzeb  should  take  notice  of  the  oppression 
inflicted  on  them  by  his  officials.  I  wrote  a  letter 
to  one  of  the  king's  eunuchs,  a  very  familiar  friend 
of  mine,  called  Necruz  (Nekroz) — that  is,  "  Fortunate 
Day."  In  it  I  informed  him  with  great  politeness  of 
the  troubles  suffered  by  the  English  nation  within 
His  Majesty's  dominions,  including  many  necessary 
particulars.  I  prayed  him  as  a  favour  to  deliver  this 
letter  to  the  king,  and  he,  out  of  his  great  friendship 
for  me,  and  aware  also  that  His  Majesty  himself  knew 
who  I  was,  delivered  the  letter  with  confidence  when 
the  king  was  among  his  women.  Having  read  it,  the 
king  put  it  in  his  pocket,  then  went  out  into  the 
{Am-Khd$s  (the  audience  hall)  and  began  to  hold 

215 


216  NEGOTIATIONS   DESCRIBED 

audience.  After  hearing  several  complaints  brought 
before  him  by  his  officials,  he  drew  the  letter  from 
his  pocket  and  began  to  read  it  again,  shaking  his 
head  meanwhile.  Then  he  said  aloud  :  "  It  is  true 
that  the  English  are  in  the  right  and  the  fault  lies 
with  my  officials."  The  persons  present  were  much 
agitated. 

He  turned  his  face  in  the  direction  of  Mahabat 
Khan,  and  asked  him  if  there  was  at  the  court  any 
agent  of  the  English.  He  answered  that  there  was 
not.  The  king  ordered  him  to  write  to  the  Governor 
of  Madras,  that  he  forgave  the  temerity  displayed 
by  the  English  in  plundering  the  town  of  Hugli, 
and  on  their  side  they  must  excuse  the  troubles 
caused  to  them  by  his  officials.  The  governor 
should  send  to  court  persons  properly  empowered, 
and  he  might  be  assured  of  acquiring  new  favour. 
During  this  going  to  and  fro,  the  war  in  Bengal 
went  on. 

By  the  time  the  answer  arrived,  Governor  Gyfford 
was  already  out  of  office,  and  there  governed  in  his 
place  Alexandre  Hayel.  The  latter,  on  seeing  the 
goodwill  shown  by  the  king,  was  very  pleased,  but 
was  unable  to  send  off  any  representative  at  once, 
because  he  had  to  report  to  the  general,  who  lived  in 
the  island  of  Bombajm  (Bombay),  at  a  great  distance 
from  Madras.  The  officials  at  the  court  finding  that 
no  agent  appeared  in  time,  and  being  aggrieved  at 
what  the  king  said  in  audience,  so  managed  affairs 
that  they  forced  the  king  into  investing  the  fortress 
of  Bombahim  (Bombay).  This  place  was  so  closely 
pressed  that  it  very  nearly  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Mogul.  Finally  the  (English)  general  was  obliged 
to  send  an  envoy  to  the  court.  Great  expenditure 
was  incurred  before  he  obtained  entry  in  the  manner 
that  everybody  obtains,  and  he  received  his  leave 
to  depart,  when  an  order  to  raise  the  investment 
of  Bombay  had  been  issued.  The  English  under- 
took to  send  orders  to  withdraw  their  fleet  from 


LIFE    IN   SAN   THOME  217 

Bengal.  If  these  efforts  had  only  been  made  at  the 
proper  time,  there  would  not  have  been  much 
expense  or  damage,  for  from  a  single  neglect  flow 
many  evils. 

I  will  also  recount  what  happened  to  me,  and 
what  I  have  seen  and  undergone.  I  have  already 
told  you  in  my  book  how,  upon  my  arrival  in  these 
regions,  the  chief  personages  of  San  Thome  did  me 
the  honour  to  receive  me  with  civility,  and  offered 
to  put  themselves  at  my  service.  Among  them 
were  Manoel  Texeyra  Pinto,  chief  captain  (capitao, 
mor),  Joao  da  Costa  de  Sua,  Cosmo  Lourenco 
Madeyra,  Antonio  Palha  de  Lima,  and  Manoel  da 
Silva  de  Menezes.  I  had  treated  them  and  their 
families  gratis. 

A  year  afterwards  there  came  to  me  from  Goa  a  sum 
of  three  thousand  and  seven  hundred  patacas  (Rs. 
7,400)  which  I  had  deposited  with  Father  Salvador 
Gallo,  prefect  of  the  Theatines.  The  said  Father 
handed  the  money  to  my  attorney,  Joao  Lopes  de 
Figueredo,  a  Portuguese  born  in  India,  to  be  delivered 
to  me.  When  this  man  arrived  at  the  port  of  San 
Thome  the  above  named  were  at  the  time  governing, 
and  were  also  the  magistrates.  Thus,  when  the  said 
Joao  landed  they  seized  him  and  confiscated  every- 
thing he  brought  with  him,  taking  possession  also  of 
his  ship,  under  the  false  declaration  that  he  was  the 
debtor  of  certain  Jews  called  Bertolameo  Rodrigues, 
Domingos  do  Porto,  and  Alvaro  da  Foncequa.  These 
magistrates  called  upon  him  to  pay  a  debt  due 
from  a  man  of  his  faction  (Figueredo's),  called 
Francisco  de  Lima,  owed  to  the  above  Jews.  These 
latter  were  much  delighted  at  the  benefit  thus  done 
them. 

Finding  this  great  wrong  done,  and  that  I  should 
also  lose  my  money,  I  had  recourse  to  these  same 
magistrates.  I  laid  before  them  the  receipt  of  Joao 
Lopes  (de  Figueredo)  the  letters  of  Father  Salvador 
Gallo,  and  attestations  by  Dom  Rodrigo  da  Costa, 
15* 


2i8  MANUCCI    DEFRAUDED 

Governor  of  India,  who  had  also  written  a  separate 
letter  to  the  leading  men  of  San  Thome  recommending 
me  to  their  favour,  because  their  Indian  dominions 
were  under  great  obligations  to  me.  He  certified  that 
Joao  Lopes  conveyed  this  money  to  be  delivered  to 
me.  Thus  he  had  done  his  very  best  to  carry  through 
my  business. 

None  of  these  efforts  did  me  any  good.  Once  more 
I  presented  fresh  testimony  received  from  Goa  from 
Augustinho  Ribeyro  and  Pascoal  Gomes  ;  also  the 
Letters  Patent  with  which  the  King  of  Portugal  had 
honoured  me.  These  men  had  been  present  when  the 
said  Father  (Gallo)  delivered  the  said  money  to  Joad 
Lopes  de  Figueredo.  He  was  under  obligation  to 
pay  me  in  current  coin,  and  to  take  seals  (sealed 
receipts) ;  Joa<5  also  demanded  leave  to  pay  me.  He 
only  owed  money  to  me,  and  nothing  to  anyone  else 
— as  was  the  truth,  for  no  statement  was  produced 
to  show  how  he  was  a  debtor.  In  the  end  the  said 
Joao  Lopes  was  ruined  and  destroyed.  As  for  my 
claim,  which  they  could  not  deny,  after  much  worthless 
argumentation,  they  resolved  to  pay  me  two  thousand 
patacas  (Rs.  4,000).  This  they  declared  was  a  favour 
they  were  doing  me  ;  the  balance  they  would  not  pay. 
One  man  so  decided  because  I  would  not  marry  one  of 
his  relations ;  others  said,  if  I  settled  among  them  in 
San  Thome  I  should  not  lose  my  money ;  another 
said  that  there  was  no  ground  to  complain,  that  the 
two  thousand  patacas  sufficed,  as  I  had  a  sufficient 
income  to  live  upon  all  my  life ;  the  rest  uttered 
similar  irrelevant  opinions,  and  I  was  sent  about  my 
business. 

With  regard  to  the  wrong  done  to  Joao  Lopes,  let 
the  reader  understand  that  there  were  two  reasons 
for  it.  The  first  was  envy  at  seeing  him,  a  man  born 
in  India,  with  some  fortune  and  the  ov/ner  of  a  ship, 
a  thing  they  did  not  possess.  The  second  reason  was 
because  three  of  the  said  magistrates  had  asked  the 
wife  of  Joad  Lopes  in  marriage,  she  being  a  rich 


GOVERNOR   PITT   AS   ARBITRATOR  219 

woman,  and,  as  she  had  refused  them  all,  this  pro- 
duced the  hate  and  envy  which  impelled  them  to  ruin 
the  man. 

When  twelve  years  from  this  dispute  had  passed 
by,  in  the  year  one  thousand  seven  hundred  (1700), 
there  came  as  Governor  of  San  Thome,  on  behalf  of 
King  Aurangzeb,  a  friend  of  mine  called  Xefican 
(Shaft*  Khan).  He  was  told  of  the  injustice  and 
robbery  done  to  me  by  the  Portuguese  of  San  Thome, 
and  revived  the  suit.  The  men  were  summoned  to 
his  presence.  He  asked  them  about  the  debt  to  me» 
when  they  answered  boldly  that  they  knew  of  no  such 
thing,  nor  did  they  owe  me  anything,  and  they  offered 
to  swear  upon  the  Holy  Evangelists. 

As  the  governor  did  not  know  the  European  lan- 
guages, he  applied  to  Mr.  Thomas  Pitt,  Governor  of 
Madrasta  (Madras),  sending  him  my  papers  and  affi- 
davits, and  asked  him  to  decide  according  to  right. 
The  said  governor  sent  the  papers  to  be  translated 
into  English.  There  was  a  delay  of  two  months  in 
getting  this  done.  At  the  end  of  this  time  he  sent 
for  the  Portuguese,  and  asked  them  in  a  friendly  way 
to  give  me  satisfaction,  because  it  seemed  to  him  that 
Nicolas  Manuchy  (sic)  was  a  most  reasonable  man,  and 
they  ought  to  come  to  an  agreement  with  me.  In 
a  most  haughty  and  contumacious  manner  they  re- 
plied they  owed  me  nought,  nor  would  they  pay  me 
anything. 

A  few  days  afterwards  he  (Mr.  Pitt)  assembled  the 
whole  council,  the  magistrates,  and  the  learned  men 
of  different  nations.  They  all  sat  together  and  de- 
liberated. The  Portuguese  were  called  in,  and  in  their 
presence  in  a  loud  voice  he  (the  governor)  read  my 
documents,  when  those  present  decided  unanimously 
that  I  had  been  wronged.  It  was  decreed  that  the 
debtors  must  pay  me.  They  were  thus  unmasked 
before  all  the  Europeans  and  Mahomedans,  yet  not 
for  this  would  they  reform  and  turn  from  their  evil 
ways. 


220  JEALOUSY   OF   GOA   DOCTORS 

I  will  add  another  case  which  happened  to  me  in 
the  same  San  Thome  with  the  aforesaid  Manoel  da 
Silva  de  Menezes  in  the  year  ninety  (1690),  in  the  month 
of  March.  I  had  advanced  five  hundred  patacas  to  a 
Genoese  merchant  called  Jorge  Bianco  for  trading  in 
Pegu.  He  sent  the  principal  with  the  agreed  profit 
to  be  paid  to  me  in  San  Thome.  The  said  Manoel 
da  Silva  de  Menezes  was  then  judge.  He  took 
possession  of  my  money  and  wanted  to  pay  with  his 
usual  arguments,  and  in  spite  of  all  my  efforts  I  could 
not  obtain  payment  of  what  was  mine.  In  the  end 
I  made  use  of  certain  friars,  who  interceded  for  me 
with  Thomas  de  Maya,  the  chief  captain  then  holding 
office,  and  he  did  what  he  could  out  of  friendship  for 
me.  He  ordered  me  to  be  paid  ;  but  behold  the  way 
Manoel  da  Silva  wanted  to  satisfy  me !  He  had 
bought  some  kons  (scores,  or  twenties)  of  cloth  for 
thirty  patacas  the  scores.  He  wanted  to  pay  me  in 
this  cloth,  entering  every  score  in  my  account  at 
eighty  patacas.  Since  I  declined  to  accept,  I  only 
received  a  little  cash,  losing  part  of  my  principal  and 
all  the  profit. 

It  seems  to  me  that  readers  will  approve,  also  those 
intending  to  come  to  India,  of  having  this  information 
by  which  they  can  guide  themselves,  making  use  of 
my  experience. 

The  reader  will  have  seen  in  my  Second  Part  the 
efforts  I  had  made  and  the  services  I  had  rendered  in 
Goa  when  the  Portuguese  found  themselves  in  such 
great  peril.  Thome  de  Azevedo,  the  chief  physician, 
a  priest  of  Jewish  birth,  ordered  the  bailiffs  to  seize 
me  and  thrust  me  into  prison.  The  bailiff  had  com- 
passion on  me  and  sent  me  secret  word  of  these 
orders,  and  advised  me  to  get  out  of  the  way.  At 
that  moment  I  was  entering  the  house  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  State,  called  Luis  Gonsalves  Cota,  to  translate 
the  reply  to  a  letter  from  Sambha  Ji,  which  the  viceroy 
was  about  to  send.  After  the  letter  was  translated  I 
mentioned  to  the  secretary  the  orders  that  had  been 


JEALOUSY  OF  GOA  DOCTORS       221 

given  by  the  physician.  The  secretary  answered  very 
frigidly  that  the  physician  could  act  thus,  as  he  had 
the  leave  of  His  Excellency.  If  he  had  me  arrested, 
he  had  cause,  for  I  had  no  permission  to  treat  the 
poor.  He  reprehended  me,  and  said  I  was  acting 
ill;  he  had  also  heard  it  stated  that  I  had  some 
little  pills  with  which  I  made  an  easy  cure  of  wounds 
and  buboes.  I  answered  that  I  treated  none  but 
mendicants  and  the  indigent,  and  that  without  fee. 
It  was  my  habit  wherever  I  travelled  to  help  the 
necessitous,  and  for  such  good  deeds  I  was  esteemed 
throughout  the  Mahomedan  country,  where  I  was 
held  in  much  respect.  Thus  I  would  seek  some 
other  place,  so  as  not  to  give  annoyance,  and 
preserve  my  liberty.  The  secretary  was  very 
stiff,  and  gave  me  not  a  word  of  reply,  instead 
of  paying  some  attention  to  or  remedying  my 
grievance. 

I  concealed  my  feelings,  though  disappointed  in  him, 
and  lost  no  time  in  placing  myself  (in  sanctuary) 
within  the  church  of  the  Theatines.  Thence  I  sent 
information  to  Dom  Rodrigo  da  Costa,  who  at  the 
time  was  in  command  of  the  fleet,  and  on  hearing 
from  me  he  went  to  see  the  viceroy,  Count  Francisco 
de  Tavora.  The  latter  was  annoyed  with  the  chief 
physician  for  wishing  in  that  dangerous  time  to  inter- 
fere with  me.  The  physician  was  sent  for,  and  also 
the  chief  surgeon,  Francisco  da  Silva,  and  they  were 
told  by  the  viceroy  in  an  angry  voice  that,  if  they 
touched  me,  he  would  have  satisfaction  from  them. 
I  was  let  alone,  and  in  freedom. 

I  believe  the  reader  will  not  be  astonished  at  my 
writing  with  so  much  liberty,  for  I  profess  to  declare 
the  truth,  which,  as  it  seems  to  me,  is  the  only  thing 
likely  to  be  of  use  as  a  warning  to  any  curious  person 
undertaking  any  long  voyage,  or  in  especial  one 
coming  to  these  parts  of  India.  Many  is  the  time 
I  have  wished  to  do  good  to  and  help  necessitous 
persons;  but  afterwards,  instead  of  being  thanked, 


222  MANUCCI   AS   ENVOY 

I  issued  from  the  matter  under  sentence  of  crime  as 
a  misdoer  and  a  rogue.  Thus  was  it  with  what  hap- 
pened to  me  in  the  year  one  thousand  six  hundred 
and  eighty-two. 

Taking  with  me  the  ambassador  from  Goa,  Joao 
Antunio  Portugal,  I  set  out  for  the  army  of  Shah 
'Alam,  then  lying  near  Goa  territory.  In  our  com- 
pany were  twenty  men  of  rank,  one  Jesuit  called 
Antonio  de  Barro,  a  Theatine  called  Dom  Joseph 
Tedesqui,  and  a  priest  known  by  the  name  of 
Gonsallo  Lopes.  The  whole  party  was  put  up  by 
me  in  a  large  tent  which  the  prince  had  assigned 
as  my  quarters,  and  there  I  entertained  them  as 
befitted  them. 

The  next  day  I  brought  them  to  the  court  of 
Shah  'Alam,  and  there  with  the  greatest  difficulty 
I  obtained  leave  for  the  entry  of  three  persons  only ; 
but  out  of  respect  for  me  they  were  relieved  of  the 
heavy  expenditure  which  has  to  be  incurred  by  custom 
at  all  such  courts.  The  Prince  Shah  'Alam  desired 
me  to  remain  with  him,  and  in  order  to  compel  or 
induce  me,  sent  his  confidant,  Mirza  Muhammad  Riza, 
officer  of  his  table  and  a  great  friend  of  mine,  to  make 
over  to  me  two  thousand  rupees,  which  I  was  to 
accept,  giving  as  a  reason  that  I  had  spent  consider- 
able sums  on  His  Highness's  service.  He  had  express 
orders  that  he  must  make  me  accept  the  money.  I 
brought  forward  some  objections  to  receiving  it,  but 
he  embraced  me,  and,  encouraging  me,  earnestly 
besought  me  to  accept.  The  supplicant,  finding 
that  I  did  not  want  to  accept,  left  the  money  and 
beat  a  hasty  retreat,  and  I  gave  orders  to  lock  up 
the  cash. 

The  ambassador  and  some  others  were  present. 
They  began  to  talk  softly  to  each  other,  and  then 
angrily  asked  me  in  a  loud  tone  who  the  rupees 
were  meant  for.  I  replied  that  the  prince  had  sent 
them  to  me  for  my  expenses.  In  their  anger  they 
answered  me  with  misplaced  words,  and  such-like 


COURSE   OF  THE   NEGOTIATIONS  223 

talk,  so  that  I  held  it  better  not  to  answer  ignorant 
men  who  did  not  speak  to  me  in  a  proper  manner. 
It  was  reported  among  them  that  the  prince  had  sent 
the  two  thousand  rupees  to  the  ambassador  and  that 
I  had  usurped  them. 

This  matter  was  not  such  a  secret  that  it  did  not 
come  to  the  prince's  ears,  and  he  was  annoyed,  saying 
he  could  not  have  supposed  that  such  people  could 
have  been  so  ignorant,  and  the  higher  he  had  thought 
of  them,  the  more  aggrieved  he  felt.  To  restore  my 
honour,  he  ordered  one  of  the  principal  officials  of 
his  court,  Mir  Muhammad  Sadiq,  to  send  for  the 
ambassador  to  his  tent  with  all  his  retinue,  and 
apply  a  remedy  for  the  above  false  statement.  With 
me  standing  near  him  and  the  others  round  him, 
he  asked  if  I  had  received  the  above-mentioned 
money.  I  replied  in  the  affirmative.  Then  in  a 
loud  voice,  with  his  hand  raised,  he  said  it  had 
been  heard  that  there  was  someone  rash  enough 
to  assert  that  Manuchy  had  stolen  the  said  money. 
If  he  could  only  find  out  who  were  these  slanderers, 
he  would  unfailingly  cram  their  mouths  full  (be 
it  said  with  all  respect)  of  dirt.  Most  of  them 
hung  their  heads  and  said  not  a  word;  they  had 
imagined  they  were  sent  for  to  receive  some 
present. 

When  I  had  finished  the  negotiations  in  favour  of 
the  viceroy,  Shah  'Alam  ordered  that  in  his  presence 
the  three  persons  should  receive  each  a  sardpa  (set 
of  robes).  At  that  moment  appeared  two  men  with 
two  thousand  rupees  in  two  bags,  and  from  behind 
the  ambassadors  shouted  in  a  loud  voice  these  words  : 
"  Here  are  the  two  thousand  rupees  that  Your  Majesty 
confers  on  the  Portuguese  ambassadors."  They  recited 
these  words  three  times.  Joao  Antunes  Portugal  was 
alarmed  at  such  shouting,  as  he  did  not  know  the 
language,  and  asked  me  the  reason.  I  told  him  it 
was  about  the  two  thousand  rupees  that  the  prince 
had  ordered  to  be  given,  and  that  it  was  in  this 


224         MANUCCI   TRICKED   BY    A  PORTUGUESE 

manner  that  the  gift  was  made,  instead  of  sending 
the  money  to  his  tent.  He  cast  down  his  eyes, 
recognising  the  reason  why  the  prince  acted  thus. 
It  was  solely  that  no  doubt  might  be  thrown  on  my 
good  faith.  Joao  Antunes  Portugal  was  incensed  at 
this  affair,  and,  in  place  of  being  sorry,  sought  means 
to  take  my  life.  If  he  did  not  succeed,  it  was  because 
I  did  not  remain  in  Goa,  but  returned  to  the  Mogul 
prince's  service. 

I  will  insert  a  small  affair  that  happened  to  me  on 
the  same  occasion.  In  Goa  there  was  a  well-born 
man  called  Lourenco  da  Cunha,  who  pretended  to 
be  my  friend.  On  my  taking  leave  of  the  viceroy, 
at  the  time  when  I  was  about  to  start  for  the  Mogul 
army  to  undertake  negotiations  for  the  State,  this 
man  carried  me  to  his  house,  where  I  stopped  all 
night.  He  asked  me  to  convey  in  my  boat  a  box 
containing  various  Chinese  curiosities,  which  might 
be  worth  fifty  rupees,  hoping  to  sell  them  in  the  army. 
1  excused  myself  for  two  reasons.  The  first  was  that 
the  goods  were  not  suitable  for  Mahomedans,  being 
images  of  tigers,  cats,  cocks,  et  cetera.  The  second  was 
because  the  things  could  not  be  carried  safely,  owing 
to  the  difficult  marches  we  were  to  make.  On  hearing 
these  objections  he  said  nothing ;  but  at  midnight,  when 
1  was  asleep,  he  made  over  the  box  to  the  boatman, 
with  an  order  to  inform  me  after  I  had  reached  the 
army.  When  I  arrived  at  the  army  the  boatman  told 
me  about  the  box,  but  at  the  time  I  passed  the  matter 
over  in  silence.  The  next  day  my  friend  Lourenco 
da  Cunha  turned  up,  and  demanded  from  me  four 
hundred  and  fifty  rupees  for  the  goods  he  had  put 
into  my  boat.  My  arguments  were  of  no  avail,  he 
talking  preposterously.  Finding  all  this  trouble, 
and  being  careless  about  money,  I  ordered  the 
payment  of  the  amount  claimed,  and  before  his  face 
caused  all  the  contents  of  the  box  to  be  distributed 
to  common  people.  He  declared  he  was  doing  me 
a  favour  in  letting  me  have  the  things  so  cheap. 


DALPAT   RAO  225 

These  fellows  glory  in  cheating  foreigners  without 
scruple. 

This  incident  brings  to  mind  that  in  seventy-six 
(1676)  I  left  the  Mogul  territory,  and  stopped  a  few 
days  at  Damao  (Daman).  At  that  time  a  Portuguese 
fleet  arrived  as  convoy  to  the  ships  going  to  Surat 
and  Kambaya.  The  principal  men  in  this  fleet  begged 
me  to  open  my  boxes,  as  they  wanted  to  see  some  of 
my  curiosities.  I  could  not  refuse,  and,  holding  them 
to  be  gentlemen  of  position,  I  allowed  them  an  in- 
spection; but  it  was  not  long  before  some  of  the 
articles  had  disappeared.  I  suppressed  any  remark, 
for  if  I  had  taken  any  action  they  would  have 
assassinated  me  without  fail,  as  is  customary  among 
them. 

In  the  year  ninety-two  there  came  a  Hindu  officer 
from  the  army  in  the  Karnatik,  a  commander  over 
five  thousand  horse,  recommended  to  me  by  the 
Nababo  (Nawab)  Julfacarcan  (Zu,lfiqar  Khan),  Mirza 
Mahdi,  the  captain  of  cavalry,  and  other  friends.  He 
wanted  to  be  treated,  and  promised  me  four  thousand 
rupees.  The  Portuguese  of  San  Thome  now  inter- 
fered, including  the  head  of  the  bishopric,  a  priest, 
then  in  charge  also  of  the  civic  government,  who  was 
under  obligation  to  me  for  having  cured  him  of  an 
obstruction.  All  these  men,  hearing  of  the  above 
Hindu,  took  him  to  a  physician,  who  offered  to  effect 
a  speedy  cure  at  a  less  price.  They  arranged  matters 
so  that  the  said  officer  believed  them,  and  sent  me  a 
message  that  I  need  not  trouble,  and  if  he  wanted  me 
he  would  let  me  know. 

After  the  lapse  of  a  few  days  he  sent  a  message 
to  me,  because  he  had  not  recovered  his  health 
as  he  desired,  but  I  declined  to  attend  him.  I 
replied  to  those  who  had  written  to  me  that  the 
said  captain  had  declined  to  listen  to  my  advice ; 
and  he  went  back  as  he  had  come  lamenting  his 
evil  fate,  for  thus  do  the  people  of  India  talk  when 
things  do  not  succeed  with  them  as  they  would 


226  LIFE   IN   GOA 

wish.  This  captain  was  a  rajah,  his  name  was 
Dalpat  Rao,  son  of  Champat  Bundelah,  he  whom 
Aurangzeb  sacrificed  after  crossing  the  river  Dholpur 
(i.e.  the  Chambal)  to  give  battle  to  Dara,  as  described 
in  my  First  Part. 

Once  in  Goa,  being  in  my  house,  there  suddenly 
appeared  a  gentleman  of  birth  who,  with  much  assur- 
ance, took  a  seat  without  uttering  any  words  of  polite- 
ness. At  his  back  stood  four  Kaffirs  with  staves  in 
their  hands.  He  said  he  was  a  gentleman  of  high 
rank,  and  occupied  an  important  position  in  His 
Majesty's  service,  but  fortune  had  not  been  kind  to 
him.  He  had  been  wealthy,  the  lord  of  many  planta- 
tions, but  to  pass  the  time  he  had  gambled  and  lost  all. 
Then  raising  his  eyes,  he  looked  at  me  and  said  :  "  I 
have  heard  that  your  honour  is  a  merchant,  a  person 
of  position,  and  the  reputation  you  enjoy  has  induced 
me  to  visit  you."  But  he  could  not  stay  long,  because 
the  viceroy  was  waiting  for  his  presence  to  begin  his 
dinner;  and  since  he  was  in  want  of  pocket  money,  he 
would  borrow  a  sum  from  me.  I  replied  that  I  was  a 
poor  soldier,  and  not  a  merchant ;  he  had  been  misin- 
formed. Raising  his  voice  he  said  :  "  These  arguments 
will  not  do  for  me.  Either  lend  me  or  give  me  what  I 
need."  At  these  words  the  Kaffirs  raised  their  staves. 
On  seeing  this  I  fell  into  a  quandary,  and  began  to  reflect 
on  what  might  be  the  result.  I  tried  to  retire  into  my 
room,  when  he  said  to  me  roughly,  raising  his  voice, 
that  I  was  not  to  stir  from  my  place.  Then  dissimulat- 
ing as  to  the  pressure  put  upon  me,  I  told  my  boy  to 
bring  my  writing-desk.  I  opened  it  in  front  of  him 
and  showed  what  it  contained — namely,  thirty  ashrafis 
(gold  coins).  I  handed  him  this  amount  with  the  greatest 
politeness,  saying  that,  had  there  been  more,  I  should 
most  willingly  have  offered  it  to  him.  He  felt  so 
honoured  that  he  took  twenty-five  coins,  saying  that 
would  suffice  for  his  wants  during  that  day.  He  put 
his  good  services  at  my  disposal,  instructing  his  Kaffirs 
that  when  I  needed  them  for  giving  anyone  a  beating 


LIFE   IN   GOA  227 

with  bamboos,  or  stabbing  anyone,  they  must  carry 
out  my  orders.  He  then  departed.  Conceiving  that 
I  had  got  rid  of  him  very  cheaply,  I  gave  thanks  to 
God,  and  at  once  changed  my  quarters,  going  to 
live  close  to  the  Convent  of  the  Carmelites,  and 
there  I  lived  with  my  doors  barred,  for  1  had  seen 
many  houses  robbed  by  bodies  of  masked  men  enter- 
ing them. 

The  first  time  1  was  in  the  city  of  Goa  I  lived  in  the 
street  called  Santo  Aleixo,  opposite  some  large  houses. 
In  one  of  these  lived  a  widow  called  Dona  Christiana  ; 
she  was  rich  and  led  a  quiet  life.  She  wanted  to 
marry  me,  a  thing  I  never  dreamt  of.  Seeing  that  I 
made  no  approaches,  and  made  no  effort,  she  resorted 
to  a  trick.  This  consisted  in  sending  for  the  prior  of 
the  Carmes,  Friar  Pheliciano  de  Santa  Teresa,  a  native 
of  Milan  and  a  great  friend  of  mine.  To  him  she 
complained  that  I  had  been  pursuing  her,  sending  her 
offers  of  marriage,  to  which  she  replied  that  she  had 
no  thought  of  such  a  thing.  The  Father  believed  her 
words,  being  unaware  of  Indian  women's  trickish 
ways  ;  and  coming  to  pay  me  a  visit,  as  he  constantly 
did,  he  prayed  me  with  the  greatest  gentleness  not  to 
persecute  Dona  Christiana  with  such  proposals  as  I 
had  sent  her,  saying  that  I  wanted  to  marry  her. 
When  I  heard  the  padre  talk  like  this,  I  was  plunged 
in  thought,  trying  to  remember  if  on  any  day  I  had 
given  the  widow  occasion  for  such  a  complaint  about 
me.  Examining  my  mind  thoroughly,  I  found  I  had 
not  the  least  remembrance  of  her,  and  said  so 
to  the  Father.  He  smiled  and  said  he  hoped  there 
would  be  no  more  complaints  about  me.  As  a  satis- 
faction to  him  I  left  the  neighbourhood  and  lived 
elsewhere. 

Eight  days  afterwards  the  same  priest  came  straight 
from  the  widow's  house  to  find  me,  and  directly  he 
saw  me  began  once  more  to  complain  harshly,  saying 
that  I  should  be  the  cause  of  that  woman  losing  her 


228  MANUCCI   AND   THE   INQUISITOR 

reputation.  He  begged  me  for  the  love  of  God  to 
abandon  such  thoughts.  Feeling  myself  quite  innocent 
in  the  matter,  I  replied  to  the  padre  that  never  had  I 
dreamt  either  of  stopping  or  of  marrying  in  Goa.  As 
it  seemed  to  me,  it  was  she  who  wanted  to  marry  me, 
and  had  thus  called  in  the  padre  as  intermediary  and 
made  use  of  this  artifice.  I  laid  before  him  many 
similar  affairs  that  had  happened  in  India.  But  the 
priest  was  not  a  practical  man,  and  had  not  been 
long  in  India,  so  he  believed  what  the  woman  had 
said,  and  made  me  out  the  culprit.  He  told  me  I 
was  not  speaking  the  truth  ;  and  finding  my  argu- 
ments did  not  prevail,  I  gave  my  word  to  the 
priest  that  in  a  short  time  I  would  quit  Goa,  if  he 
would  only  give  me  the  time  to  prepare,  and  this 
he  did. 

Apropos  of  this  case  I  may  mention  that,  on  arriv- 
ing in  the  town  of  Bassaim  (Bassein)  in  one  thousand 
six  hundred  and  sixty-six  (1666)  I  was  sent  for 
by  the  commissary  of  the  Inquisition.  He  was  the 
prior  of  the  Franciscan  Convent,  and  three  times 
over  he  examined  me  to  find  out  about  me  and 
my  life.  Discovering  nothing  suspicious  by  his  in- 
terrogatory, he  made  me  swear  upon  a  holy  crucifix. 
Then,  finding  there  was  nothing  wrong  in  my 
replies,  he  embraced  me,  and,  treating  me  as  an  edu- 
cated man  with  a  clear  conscience,  he  sent  me  away, 
saying  that  now  I  was  free,  and  he  would  not  send 
for  me  any  more.  I  came  to  discover  in  the  course 
of  time  that  my  accuser  was  the  Father  Damao 
Vieira,  a  man  expelled  from  the  Jesuit  order.  This 
is  the  man  who  came  as  an  envoy  to  Rajah  Jai 
Singh,  and  promised  to  reduce  the  city  of  Bijapur 
by  miracle. 

Owing  to  the  hatred  in  which  he  held  me,  he 
denounced  me,  and  I  was  sent  for  by  the  commissary 
as  1  have  said.  I  was  innocent,  and  could  not  make 
out  why  I  had  been  sent  for.  As  the  friar  found  he 
could  not  harm  me  in  this  way  he  came  to  Goa  while 


LIFE   IN   SAN   THOME,    1688  229 

I  was  living  there,  and  urged  a  well-born  man  called 
Antonio  de  Couza  Coutinho,  who  had  once  been 
governor  of  India,  to  put  an  affront  on  me.  But,  like 
a  wise  man,  he  would  not  consent ;  he  invited  me  to 
his  house,  and  in  his  conversation  told  me  to  live  very 
cautiously,  for  the  friar  in  question  was  not  fond  of  me. 
Thus  I  was  far  from  secure,  and  for  this  and  other 
reasons  I  quitted  Goa. 

After  some  time  there  arrived  at  the  town  (San 
Thome)  the  most  illustrious  Lord  Dom  Caspar 
Alfonco,  Bishop  of  Meliapur  (Mailapur)  and  other 
places.  This  prelate  held  in  his  hands  both  civic 
and  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction.  Yet  he  did  not  meddle 
much  in  the  former  branch.  However,  as  I  noticed 
that  he  did  me  the  honour  to  like  and  esteem  me,  1 
begged  him  to  see  me  righted  to  the  injustice  that  had 
been  done  me  (see  pp.  217,  218).  After  I  had  told 
him  my  story  a  few  days  elapsed.  He  then  gave 
me  his  reply,  telling  me  that  I  was  in  the  wrong, 
that  the  judges  owed  me  no  redress,  that  it  was 
the  chief  captain  who  had  done  the  wrong,  and  it 
was  he  who  ought  to  do  me  amends.  "  But,"  he 
added,  "he  is  no  longer  in  this  world,  and  has 
left  nothing.  That  is  a  misfortune  for  you,  but 
you  must  bear  it,  as  one  must  the  other  ills  of  this 
life." 

I  resented  acutely  the  inequity  of  this  answer ;  how- 
ever, I  did  not  show  this  for  several  years.  All  the 
time  I  was  reflecting  how  I  could  bring  him  to  feel 
the  injustice  of  his  finding.  Finally  I  determined  to 
take  as  my  model  what  the  prophet  Nathan  said 
to  David  to  bring  home  to  him  his  sin.  Full  of  this 
thought,  off  I  went  to  visit  the  said  bishop,  putting  on 
a  vexed  and  melancholy  air.  When  we  had  exchanged 
compliments,  I  told  him  I  had  come  to  ask  him  for 
advice  on  a  thing  that  had  happened  to  me.  To  this 
he  replied  that  with  all  his  heart  he  would  render 
me  such  service  in  all  matters  as  was  within  his 
power. 
16 


230    MANUCCI   AND    BISHOP   CASPAR   ALFONfO 

"  M  on  signer,"  said  I,  "  when  I  lived  with  my  fellow- 
countryman,  Hortense  Bromsoune  (Ortenzio  Bron- 
zoni),  we  were  both  very  well  known,  had  good 
credit,  and  everybody  esteemed  us.  This  induced 
Juan  Dias  d'Almeda  and  Diogo  Mendez  Botelho  to 
confide  to  us  a  chest  which  contained  a  quantity 
of  money.  My  comrade,  driven  by  1  know  not 
what  necessity,  or  perhaps  by  envy,  had  a  false 
key  made,  and  withdrew  one  thousand  rupees  from 
the  chest.  This  he  did  in  the  face  of  all  1  could 
say  to  prevent  him.  Some  months  afterwards  the 
two  Portuguese  came  and  removed  their  chest.  It 
was  not  long  before  they  noticed  that  one  thousand 
rupees  were  deficient  from  the  total  sum.  They 
complained,  but  as  we  were  well  supported  we  re- 
jected their  demand  in  sharp  terms,  and  ejected  them 
from  our  house,  protesting  that  they  were  forgers  and 
rogues. 

"  Some  time  afterwards  my  comrade  died,  and  left 
me  as  his  testamentary  executor.  However,  as  a  long 
time  had  passed,  the  affair  was  no  longer  spoken  of. 
Now  they  wish  to  revive  it,  and  a  few  days  ago  I 
received  a  letter  from  the  aforesaid  Portuguese  in 
which  they  set  forth  the  distress  they  are  in,  that 
they  have  a  daughter  to  be  married,  that  I  should 
reflect  whether  in  conscience  I  do  not  owe  them  for 
that  deficiency  of  one  thousand  rupees  which  occurred 
within  my  house." 

I  added  some  words  praying  the  bishop  to  tell 
me  as  a  matter  of  conscience  whether  I  was  under 
an  obligation  to  pay  that  money,  with  the  interest 
accrued  since  that  time.  It  was  to  be  remembered 
that  I  had  not  consented  to  the  theft.  He  answered 
that  I  was  under  an  obligation  to  pay.  I  took  my 
leave  and  went  to  see  the  Jesuit  and  other  regulars 
and  priests,  men  learned  in  the  law.  I  told  them 
the  same  story  and  all  replied  to  me  in  the  same 
terms,  but  had  no  idea  of  the  inference  I  intended 
to  deduce  from  their  answer.  It  was  my  object  to 


MANUCCI   AND   THE   JESUITS  231 

make  them  admit  out  of  their  own  mouth  that  what 
they  had  decided  in  my  case  was  unjust,  for  my  case 
was  absolutely  identical,  changing  only  the  persons. 
I  had  been  robbed,  the  inhabitants  of  San  Thome 
were  consenting  parties  to  the  theft,  and  Manoel 
Texeira  was  the  Ortenzio  Bronzoni  who  had  taken 
my  property. 

Some  of  those  religious  persons  read  the  riddle 
after  I  had  left,  and  they  told  me  afterwards  I  was 
very  clever.  But  all  that  was  no  more  than  com- 
pliments, for  that  did  not  hinder  the  greater  number 
of  them  giving  certificates  in  the  very  teeth  of  the 
equity  of  my  demand,  clear  and  evident  as  that 
was.  Although  this  business  has  no  interest  for 
the  public,  I  have  thought  it  might  serve  as  a  warn- 
ing to  those  who  travel  in  these  distant  parts.  It 
will  teach  them  not  to  allow  their  property  to  be 
taken  from  them,  for  once  it  has  gone  the  best  argu- 
ments in  the  world  will  be  useless  in  procuring  them 
redress. 

But  now  let  us  come  back  to  the  persecutions  at 
Tanjor,  of  which  I  have  already  spoken  at  some 
length.  It  is  my  duty,  dear  reader,  to  tell  you 
what  has  since  taken  place.  At  the  beginning  of 
December  (?  1701)  the  Reverend  Father  Martin, 
Jesuit,  appeared  at  my  house.  After  a  good  deal 
of  ceremony  and  compliments,  he  produced  a  letter 
from  Monsieur  Martin,  Governor  of  Pondicherry,  in 
which  he  begged  me  as  a  Christian  to  be  so  good 
as  to  interest  myself  in  the  protection  of  these 
oppressed  believers,  and  procure  for  them  some 
respite,  they  and  their  imprisoned  pastors.  He  repre- 
sented to  me  that  their  misfortunes  arose  from  nothing 
but  certain  acts  and  importunities  of  this,  that,  and 
the  other  person  in  the  king's  entourage,  whereby 
from  being  their  friend  he  had  been  turned  into  their 
enemy. 

The  Reverend  Father  (Martin)  had  brought  with  him 
a  large  present  made  up  of  European  curiosities,  a 


232       MANUCCFS   LETTER  TO   DA,UD   KHAN 

mirror  of  crystal,  and  a  poignard  mounted  with  jewels 
in  the  style  of  this  country.  He  expected  by  means 
of  these  presents  to  procure  some  letters  of  recom- 
mendation from  the  Governor-General  Daoutan(Da,ud 
Khan),  who  had  taken  the  place  of  Jufacarcan  (Zu,lfiqar 
Khan). 

He  had  been  sent  into  this  kingdom  of  the  Karnatik 
by  orders  of  Aurangzeb,  whose  domination  extends 
over  all  the  petty  Hindu  kings  and  governors  of  these 
countries,  all  of  them  being  tributary  to  him,  as  I  have 
(I  think)  already  explained. 

I  took  into  consideration  in  a  Christian  spirit  the 
misfortunes  to  which  this  new  Christian  community 
was  exposed.  I  was  also  of  opinion  that  all  these 
presents  would  be  useless  and  in  vain  ;  for  this  reason 
I  did  not  think  it  advisable  to  present  them,  because 
these  Mahomedans  are  very  touchy,  and  I  feared  that 
the  general  might  conceive  some  idea  quite  opposed 
to  the  facts.  Neither  did  I  desire  the  Father  to  go  to 
him,  though  this  was  his  intention  ;  and  he  meant  to 
take  me  with  him,  he  meeting  the  necessary  expenses 
of  the  journey.  I  made  up  my  mind  to  avoid  all  this 
labour  and  expenditure  by  writing  a  letter  on  the 
subject  to  this  nobleman.  In  it  I  besought  him  as  a 
friend,  and  by  reason  of  the  obligation  that  he  had 
always  professed  to  be  under  to  me,  to  look  with  a 
favourable  eye  upon  the  Christians  of  Tanjor.  They 
had  been  cruelly  persecuted  by  their  king,  who  had 
unjustly  imprisoned  two  Jesuit  Fathers,  my  near  re- 
lations. Would  he  have  the  goodness  to  interpose 
with  his  authority  to  protect  the  said  Christians,  and 
get  those  Fathers  out  of  prison,  where  they  were  so 
unjustly  and  narrowly  detained,  and  also  procure  the 
restitution  to  the  former  (the  Christians)  of  the  goods 
so  unjustly  forfeited  ?  I  wrote  other  letters  on  the 
same  subject  to  the  first  minister  of  the  Karnatik 
province  (?  the  diwdn)^  who  is  always  in  attendance 
on  the  above  general ;  also  to  other  officers  of  the 
army  with  whom  I  was  acquainted  and  who  were 


RECEPTION   OF  THE   LETTER  233 

great  friends  of  mine.     I  sent  all  this  correspondence 
to  the  camp  by  one  of  my  servants. 

After  these  dispatches  had  started,  Pere  Martin 
proposed  to  leave  for  his  college  at  Pondicherry,  which 
is  part  of  the  same  mission,  and  by  his  hands  I  sent 
a  letter  in  reply  to  that  of  Governor  Martin,  detailing 
what  I  had  done  for  the  relief  of  the  Christians  at 
his  solicitation,  and  as  a  response  to  the  friendship 
with  which  he  honoured  me. 

As  soon  as  my  man  arrived  at  the  army  he  pre- 
sented my  letters  to  the  general  commanding,  Da,ud 
Khan,  along  with  some  presents  that  I  sent  him  on 
my  own  behalf.  He  also  delivered  the  other  letters 
to  the  first  minister  and  the  other  officers  to  whom  I 
had  the  honour  of  writing.  These  men,  having  read 
them  and  learnt  that  the  captive  Fathers  were  my  near 
relations,  were  extremely  incensed  against  the  King 
of  Tanjor.  The  commanding  general,  in  particular, 
and  the  first  minister  displayed  much  resentment  on 
the  subject ;  and  on  the  spot  they  sent  for  the  envoy 
of  that  prince,  who  is  always  present  in  the  army  of 
the  general,  to  secure  the  interests  of  the  king,  his 
master.  They  blamed  the  king  loudly  for  his  hardi- 
hood in  imprisoning  the  poor  European  Brahmans 
from  Rome  (that  is  the  name  they  give  the  priests). 
To  this  they  added  some  harsh  and  severe  language, 
and  told  him  they  were  amazed  still  more  at  the  acts 
of  the  king,  his  master,  when  he  knew  that  these 
Fathers  were  near  relations  of  the  Doctor  Nicolas 
Manuchy,  physician  to  the  Mogul  Emperor,  his  suze- 
rain. To  this  Da,ud  Khan  added  the  words  :  "  He  is 
also  my  physician  and  my  father."  These  last  words 
were  said  by  the  general  because  from  his  early  youth, 
when  I  still  lived  in  the  Mogul  country,  he  had  called 
me  "  father."  Falling  into  a  great  rage,  he  ordered 
the  agent  to  put  such  pressure  on  his  master  that  the 
captive  Fathers,  the  Roman  Brahmans,  should  be  set 
at  liberty,  and  the  Christians  allowed  to  live  according 
to  their  religion.  He  added  :  "  If  you  do  not  obey  my 
16* 


234  GOOD   EFFECT   AT   TANJOR 

commands,  I  will  have  you  put  to  death,  and  wage 
continual  war  against  your  master.  Do  not  fail  thus 
to  write  to  him.  I  also  require  him  to  restore  all 
the  property  that  has  been  confiscated  from  the 
Christians." 

The  envoy,  upon  receiving  these  orders,  wrote  in 
the  above  sense  to  his  prince,  and  described  the 
manner  in  which  he  had  been  treated  by  Da,ud  Khan. 
The  cause  of  this  harshness  was  the  persecution  he 
had  commenced  against  the  Christians,  and  the  con- 
fiscation of  their  goods.  He  prayed,  therefore,  first 
of  all  for  the  release  of  the  Jesuit  Fathers,  known  as 
the  Roman  Brahmans,  the  cessation  of  all  persecu- 
tion of  his  Christian  subjects,  and  the  rebuilding 
of  the  ruined  churches.  As  a  consequence  of  these 
acts  he  stood  in  danger  of  his  life,  and  His  Majesty 
ran  the  risk  of  a  war  if  these  demands  were  not 
conceded. 

While  this  correspondence  was  in  progress,  Da,ud 
Khan,  the  first  minister,  and  all  the  other  officers, 
gave  indications  of  taking  the  matter  very  much  to 
heart,  and  swore  with  most  terrible  strength  at  the 
malignity  of  those  deeds  at  Tanjor.  The  crime  was 
so  much  the  greater  at  being  perpetrated  upon  poor 
people  living  peaceably,  who  had  never  given  their 
king  any  cause  for  complaint. 

Thus,  no  sooner  had  he  received  the  letter  of  his 
envoy  than  the  king  sent  forth  edicts,  whereby  he 
permitted  his  fugitive  Christian  subjects  to  return 
unmolested  to  their  houses,  and  there  enjoy  their 
possessions  as  heretofore.  He  ordered  the  release 
of  those  who  were  in  prison,  and  all  Christians  were 
free  to  follow  their  religion.  The  two  European 
Fathers,  the  Roman  Brahmans,  were  taken  out  of 
prison  ;  but  as  the  remedy  came  somewhat  late,  through 
the  fault  of  the  Jesuit  Fathers  of  Pondicherry,  it 
appeared  that  one  of  them,  attacked  by  fever  and 
dysentery,  had  succumbed.  He  was  a  Portuguese, 
and  his  name  was  Simon  Carvalho ;  but  the  other, 


RELIGIOUS   PERSECUTION   CEASES  235 

a  French  Father,  was  released,  as  well  as  the  other 
Christians. 

I  also  received  in  connection  with  this  affair  a  letter 
from  Da,ud  Khan,  addressed  to  the  King  of  Tanjor. 
It  was  full  both  of  menaces  and  compliments ;  its 
purport  was  the  securing  to  these  poor  persecuted 
men  the  liberty  they  had  lost.  I  caused  it  to  be  con- 
veyed to  its  destination,  and  by  way  of  reply  he  (the 
king)  announced  that  on  the  receipt  of  his  envoy's 
letter  he  had  complied  with  everything  :  the  Christians 
were  at  rest,  the  Roman  Brahmans  at  liberty — though 
it  was  known  that  they  were  not  Brahmans,  as  they 
asserted,  but  of  the  same  profession  as  those  that 
dwelt  at  Pondicherry. 

In  spite  of  this,  the  prince  was  terribly  enraged 
against  the  Christians,  even  going  so  far  as  to  write 
to  all  the  kings,  his  neighbours,  asking  them  to  destroy 
everyone  of  that  faith  found  within  their  states.  But 
the  letters  and  menaces  of  Da,ud  Khan  put  an  end  to 
all  these  disorders,  and  not  a  single  prince  was  found 
willing  to  follow  the  king's  suggestion. 

Upon  the  departure  of  the  Reverend  Father  Martin 
for  Pondicherry,  I  determined  to  visit  that  place 
myself,  and  send  some  of  my  most  trusted  servants 
to  Tanjor.  The  latter  were  to  make  inquiries  as 
precise  as  possible  into  the  truth  of  the  reports  about 
the  persecution.  My  object  was  to  satisfy  myself  if 
what  was  said  about  the  reverend  French  Jesuit 
Fathers  in  regard  to  the  Hindu  ceremonies  they 
practised  was  true  or  false.  On  this  head  I  assure 
you  that  the  whole  is  quite  true,  following  the  report 
of  my  servants  and  the  statements  of  certain  mer- 
chants I  know.  In  addition,  there  is  also  what  I 
learnt  about  it  from  several  French  clerics  and  secular 
priests,  who  had  seen  the  reports  and  found  them 
to  be  quite  consistent  and  in  accordance  with  the 
truth. 

From  what  I  have  said,  and  from  what  I  said  earlier, 
about  the  persecution  it  will  be  clearly  seen  what  were 


236  MANUCCI   AND   DA,UD   KHAN 

its  causes,  its  commencement,  its  results,  its  termina- 
tion. In  dealing  with  this  matter,  I  took  my  part 
so  far  as  my  duty  and  my  insufficient  zeal  impelled 
me. 

I  have  already  spoken  of  the  General  Da,ud  Khan 
on  several  occasions.  Here  I  must  remark  that  he 
came  to  this  province  of  the  Karnatik  in  the  month  of 
January  1701,  and  on  his  arrival  he  camped  below  the 
great  fortress  of  Arcat  (Arkat),  an  ancient  strong  place 
of  the  Hindu  kings,  at  a  distance  inland  from  Madras 
of  about  thirty-four  leagues.  Thence  he  did  me  the 
honour  of  addressing  me  a  very  civil  letter,  inviting 
me  to  pay  him  a  visit.  To  do  this  I  had  not  the 
slightest  intention. 

But  the  governor  of  this  locality  (Madras)  and  his 
council  having  heard  what  was  passing,  made  use  of 
the  occasion  to  send  him  a  present  and  congratulate 
him  on  his  auspicious  arrival.  With  this  object  they 
prayed  me  to  render  this  service  to  their  company, 
and  they  associated  with  me  in  the  task  a  Brahman 
clerk  long  in  the  service  of  the  Company,  whose 
name  was  Ramapa.  At  that  time  he  was  not  in  their 
service. 

I  started  and  carried  with  me  a  fine  present,  consist- 
ing of  two  cannon,  several  lengths  of  broadcloth  in 
scarlet  and  other  colours,  other  pieces  of  gold  cloth  of 
Europe  and  China,  and  several  rarities,  such  as  mirrors 
of  all  sizes,  different  kinds  of  crystal  vases,  and  some 
weapons  such  as  fusils,  pistols,  and  sabres ;  also 
different  kinds  of  wine;  added  to  all  of  which  was 
a  sum  of  five  thousand  rupees.  As  soon  as  Da,ud 
Khan  heard  that  I  was  coming,  he  desired  to  honour 
me  so  far  as  to  send  a  captain  with  thirty  horsemen 
and  fifty  musketeers  to  receive  me  at  a  distance  of 
five  leagues  from  his  camp. 

On  the  following  day  I  gave  myself  the  honour  of 
going  to  visit  him,  when  he  displayed  much  tenderness 
and  friendliness.  Next  I  conveyed  to  him  compliments 
on  behalf  of  our  governor,  but  he  let  me  understand 


MANUCCI   AND    DA, CD   KHAN  237 

that  he  felt  much  resentment,  and  complained  that 
they  had  not  already  paid  him  a  visit.  They  had  not 
taken  the  same  trouble  as  the  Portuguese  to  pay  him 
the  usual  compliments.  My  answer  was  that  when 
other  governors  had  come  to  occupy  the  position  he 
held,  it  was  the  custom  to  visit  them  at  this  very  place 
where  he  now  was.  I  could  not  run  the  risk  of  going 
any  farther,  on  account  of  the  great  forests  there  were, 
filled  with  robbers,  where  I  might  possibly  receive 
some  injury  and  lose  much  of  what  I  was  bringing. 
The  Portuguese  could  run  a  greater  risk,  for  they 
brought  nothing  with  them,  and  came  only  to  demand 
favours. 

He  seemed  satisfied  with  these  reasons,  and  others 
that  I  gave  him,  on  the  subject,  and  after  much  dis- 
course on  divers  matters  I  laid  before  him  a  letter  and 
said  to  him  that  I  had  a  present  to  offer  on  behalf  of 
the  governor  and  of  the  company ;  and  I  prayed  most 
humbly  that  he  would  deign  to  accept  it.  His  reply 
was  that  I  need  then  only  retire  for  repose  to  a  tent 
which  he  had  had  erected  for  me  close  to  his  mansion. 
He  would  send  word  to  me  of  the  hour  at  which  I  could 
appear,  as  is  the  custom  among  the  Mahomedans. 
Thereupon  I  took  my  leave  of  the  general  and  retired 
to  the  tent,  and  it  was  impossible  for  me  to  get 
away  from  it  to  pay  my  respects  to  the  first  minister, 
Mahamad  Sayd  (Muhammad  Said,  the  diwdri),  and 
all  the  other  officers.  For  I  expected  from  one 
moment  to  another  to  be  called,  nor  did  I  wish  to 
allow  any  opening  for  the  complaint  that  I  was  not 
found  in  my  lodgings. 

With  this  thought  in  my  mind  I  wanted  to  send  the 
above-mentioned  Brahman  to  visit  the  chief  minister, 
but  he  objected  that  it  was  late,  and  he  wanted  to 
bathe  his  body  according  to  their  custom,  which  is  to 
bathe  every  day.  Although  he  deceived  me,  I  believed 
him  all  the  same.  However,  not  to  neglect  entirely  my 
duty,  according  to  the  customs  of  the  court,  I  sent  a 
very  honest  youth,  that  I  had  brought  with  me  from 


238  COURSE   OF  THE  NEGOTIATIONS 

Madras,  to  make  my  compliments  to  the  chief  minister, 
and  intimate  to  him  my  arrival  in  the  army.  I  sent 
him  word  that  it  was  late  and  I  was  unable  to  acquit 
myself  of  what  was  due  from  me  to  him,  but  that  in  the 
morning  I  would  do  so  without  fail. 

About  half-past  seven  o'clock  Da,ud  Khan  sent  me 
word  that  I  might  bring  the  present  before  him.  This 
I  did  to  a  great  extent,  only  keeping  back  in  my  custody 
the  money  and  some  of  the  trifling  things.  The  reason 
for  my  so  acting  was  that  1  could  not  then  give  him 
the  money  secretly,  by  reason  of  his  being  accompanied 
by  many  officers  and  other  persons  of  consideration. 
Moreover,  they  look  on  it  as  a  distinction  and  an  honour 
to  receive  presents  in  public,  but  as  regards  money 
they  never  take  it  but  in  secret.  I  was  thus  obliged 
to  beg  him  in  a  low  voice  to  give  me  instructions  to 
whom  it  should  be  delivered.  He  replied  in  the  same 
way  that  I  must  keep  it,  that  afterwards  he  would 
dispose  of  it  as  he  judged  most  fitting.  The  Brahman 
Ramapa  did  not  fail  to  notice  the  good  reception  given 
me,  and  all  the  honours  showered  upon  me,  as  also  the 
friendliness  displayed  more  and  more  by  Da,ud  Khan. 
Besides,  the  Nawab  had  fed  me  splendidly  that  evening, 
and  had  directed  his  major-domo  to  supply  my  table 
all  the  time  I  was  with  him  just  as  if  it  were  his  own. 
For  these  reasons  he  (Ramapa),  like  a  fool,  proceeded 
to  imagine  that  this  would  suffice,  that  the  present 
had  done  all  that  was  required,  and  thus  it  was  of  no 
use  to  give  him  (Da,ud  Khan)  anything  more.  It  was 
advisable,  Ramapa  thought,  to  keep  the  money,  and  on 
this  he  imparted  to  me  his  idea. 

He  suggested  that  we  should  all  the  same  enter  it 
without  fail  in  our  account,  and  tell  the  governor  that 
we  had  paid  it  over.  To  speak  the  truth,  I  was 
surprised  at  such  a  proposal,  and  to  start  with  fell  into 
such  a  violent  rage  with  this  Brahman  that,  in  opposi- 
tion to  my  nature,  I  spoke  several  sharp  and  harsh 
words  to  him,  and  went  so  far  as  to  style  him  a  thief 
and  a  traitor.  For  he  knew  very  well  that  with  the 


MANUCCI'S   NATIVE   COLLEAGUE  239 

Mahomedans  no  present  was  better  or  more  esteemed 
than  money. 

The  following  day  Da,ud  Khan  sent  one  of  his 
servants  to  spy  out  the  land,  and  discover  from  the 
Brahman  how  much  money  he  had  with  him,  and  bring 
back  a  faithful  report.  He  (Ramapa)  quite  forgot  that 
the  day  before  he  had  reported  to  another  servant  of 
this  same  Da,ud  Khan  that  in  addition  to  the  presents 
we  had  brought  some  money,  and  this  he  had  let  out 
without  first  speaking  to  me. 

He  told  the  second  messenger  that  we  had  brought 
no  money  at  all.  At  this  information  the  general  was 
so  irritated  that  he  sent  back  the  present  he  had  already 
accepted,  and  displayed  extraordinary  indignation 
against  the  Company.  Yet  with  regard  to  me,  he 
showed  me  still  the  same  esteem,  and  did  me  always 
the  same  honour  as  before,  in  my  quality  as  his  sincere 
friend.  As  for  the  Brahman,  he  declined  to  see  him 
again,  and  ordered  the  door  of  the  house  to  be  shut 
against  him. 

However,  as  soon  as  I  saw  the  present  come  back, 
I  went  off  to  see  Da,ud  Khan,  to  whom  in  the  sweetest 
and  most  flattering  language  I  pointed  out  the  injury 
that  might  be  inflicted  on  me.  I  prayed  him  most 
humbly,  even  if  he  had  no  concern  for  the  Company, 
at  least  to  call  to  mind  our  ancient  friendship.  I  was 
rather  esteemed  and  liked  by  the  English  and  the 
gentlemen  of  the  Company.  As  they  had  heard  of 
the  friendship  and  respect  that  he  (Da,ud  Khan)  had 
for  me,  that  fact  had  induced  them  to  send  me 
to  him  to  carry  through  their  business  with  him. 
Furthermore,  they  knew  my  honesty  and  loyalty. 

His  reply  was,  that  as  for  me  he  would  do  any- 
thing I  wanted,  but  that  the  English  settled  in  the 
country  of  the  king,  his  master,  possessed  a  strong 
place  most  useful  and  highly  suitable  for  all  sorts 
of  merchandise  and  traffic.  They  had  always  been 
left  undisturbed,  and  yet,  without  regard  to  the  past, 
they  now  treated  him  in  the  most  cavalier  spirit,  and 


24o    DA,UD   KHAN   ANGRY   WITH   THE   ENGLISH 

gave  him  next  to  nothing.  They  failed  to  reflect  that 
they  had  enriched  themselves  in  his  country  to  a  most 
extraordinary  degree.  He  believed  that  they  must 
have  forgotten  that  he  was  general  over  the  province 
of  the  Karnatik,  and  that  since  the  fall  of  the  Gul- 
kandah  kingdom  they  had  rendered  no  account  of 
their  administration,  good  or  bad,  commencing  with 
1686.  Nor  had  they  accounted  for  the  revenues  from 
tobacco,  betel,  wine,  et  cetera,  which  reached  a 
considerable  sum  every  year.  In  his  capacity  of 
governor-general  of  the  province  he  was  forced  to 
work  for  the  progress  and  benefit  of  the  king's 
interests.  The  English  were  very  much  mistaken  if 
they  thought  by  two  thousand  four  hundred  patacas 
(Rs.  4,800)  to  discharge  the  whole  of  their  debt  and 
enjoy  freely  all  the  revenues  appertaining  to  the 
crown  of  his  prince. 

All  this  he  said  with  the  greatest  imaginable  fury 
and  passion,  which  were  increased  by  his  hatred  of 
the  English  for  having  killed  his  brother-in-law,  who 
was  slain  in  the  fight  at  Cuddalore,  as  1  have  stated, 
while  serving  in  the  army  of  Sulaiman  Khan,  the 
general's  brother.  After  his  rage  had  cooled  a  little, 
he  made  me  sit  down  beside  him,  and  caused  Ramapa 
to  be  sent  for.  To  him  he  said  in  harsh  words  that 
he  did  not  mean  to  accept  the  present,  he  might  carry 
it  back  to  the  governor ;  for  his  part  he  did  not  accept 
presents  of  that  sort.  He  would  come  himself  with 
all  promptitude  possible  to  take  what  he  anticipated 
would  suit  him  better.  As  regards  Manouchy,  he 
would  not  allow  of  his  return  to  Madras ;  he  meant 
to  retain  him  for  himself,  and  still  more  so  because 
he  happened  to  want  him  for  the  treatment  of  some 
ailments. 

At  these  words  the  Brahman  withdrew  and  repaired 
to  the  tent  and  waited  for  me,  so  that  we  might  concert 
what  ought  to  be  done  at  this  conjuncture.  But  at 
the  same  moment  the  general  called  a  captain  known 
to  me,  named  Mirmoin  (?  Mir  Mu'fn),  an  Uzbak  by 


MANUCCI   AS   PEACEMAKER  241 

race,  and  ordered  him  to  take  two  hundred  horse 
and  two  thousand  infantry,  and  proceed  to  Madras 
with  all  the  haste  he  could.  He  was  to  invest  that 
place,  and  prevent  anything  going  into  or  coming 
out  of  it.  He  meant  to  follow  in  person  very  shortly. 
But  the  coming  of  night  hindered  the  execution  ot 
these  orders  with  all  the  haste  he  desired,  for  they 
are  very  slow  at  making  a  start. 

Thus  after  supper  I  had  the  time  to  hold  a  conver- 
sation with  Da,ud  Khan  at  great  length,  and  still  more 
easy  was  it  to  do  so  that  he  was  in  high  spirits,  having 
drunk  copiously  of  the  European  wines  that  I  had 
brought  for  him.  I  began  this  talk  by  remarking  to 
him  that  if  he  was  so  kind  as  to  hold  me  in  such  high 
esteem,  I  must  humbly  supplicate  him  not  to  send 
either  the  captain  or  the  soldiers.  The  matter  was 
of  the  utmost  importance  for  my  reputation,  which  I 
placed  entirely  in  his  hands.  If  these  soldiers  pro- 
ceeded to  Madras,  all  the  European  nations  as  well 
as  the  English  would  attribute  the  fault  to  me;  I 
should  pass  among  them  for  a  man  void  of  either 
faith  or  fealty  in  any  business  confided  to  me. 

I  also  prayed  him  to  hinder  the  Brahman's  departure, 
telling  him  the  reasons  I  had  for  this  course.  In  no 
shape  or  form  was  it  advisable  for  him  to  leave  except 
in  my  company ;  to  do  otherwise  would  be  to  put  the 
fat  in  the  fire.  As  concerned  the  revenues,  I  pointed 
out  to  him  that  at  the  time  when  the  English  came 
and  occupied  Madras  it  was  nothing  but  one  vast 
plain  full  of  sand,  uninhabited,  and  without  any  name 
or  fame  in  India.  On  the  other  hand,  it  should  be 
remembered  that  it  was  now  highly  populous,  full 
of  active  merchants  and  other  residents.  It  was  the 
money  of  the  English  and  their  good  government 
that  had  created  all  that  prosperity,  coupled  with 
the  justice  they  administered  to  everybody  without 
fear  or  favour.  If  he  intended  to  act  with  so  much 
harshness  and  injustice,  all  the  nations  of  Europe 
would  abandon  India.  He  must  recollect  the  income 


242  MANUCCI   AS   PEACEMAKER 

and  benefits  which  Aurangzeb  had  acquired ;  for  from 
what  entered  and  left  Madras  alone  he  collected  more 
than  one  hundred  thousand  patacas. 

In  addition,  there  wrere  many  merchants,  weavers, 
cloth-printers  .and  others,  for  all  of  whom  the  English 
provided  a  livelihood.  Many  subjects  of  the  king  of 
this  realm  and  others  knew  very  well  that  every  year 
there  were  earned  in  Madras  five  lakhs  of  gold  pagodas 
(equal  to  about  one  million  patacas  more  or  less),  and 
over  ten  lakhs  of  silver  rupees  (which  amounts  to  five 
hundred  thousand  patacas).  The  whole  of  this  money 
remained  in  the  country,  and  in  exchange  for  all  this 
the  English  carried  off  to  Europe  no  more  than  some 
cotton-cloth.  Let  him  reflect  that  if  he  objected  to  the 
residence  of  the  English  in  Madras,  and  if  he  bothered 
his  head  about  their  gaining  such  considerable  sums, 
it  was  requisite  for  Aurangzeb  and  his  subjects  to 
give  them  time  to  withdraw  to  Europe.  They  (the 
English)  set  little  store  by  the  place ;  yet  if  they  were 
forced  to  abandon  it,  they  would  also  give  up  the 
other  towns  and  factories  they  held  in  the  Indies.  In 
that  case  they  would  cease  to  be  friends  and  become 
enemies.  Upon  their  departure  they  would  without 
fail  seize  every  ship  they  came  across,  and  thereby 
spread  ruin  and  desolation  throughout  the  Mogul 
empire. 

I  pointed  out  to  him  these  things,  not  solely  in 
respect  of  the  English,  but  also  as  generally  appli- 
cable to  the  other  nations  of  Europe  who  were  to 
be  found  in  that  empire.  Da,ud  Khan  was  favourably 
impressed  by  all  these  arguments,  and  gave  me 
reasonable  and  satisfactory  answers.  In  brief,  he 
issued  orders  to  stop  the  departure  of  the  troops  and 
the  Brahman. 

The  next  day  I  paid  a  visit  to  the  chief  minister  and 
to  all  my  other  friends,  and  to  them  I  related  what 
had  happened  to  me,  although  they  knew  it  already. 
However,  they  felt  my  troubles  acutely,  and  gener- 
ously endeavoured  to  protect  me.  In  this  way,  after 


JEALOUSY   OF   MANUCCI'S   COLLEAGUE        243 

a  few  days,  I  was  given  my  dismissal,  carrying  a  con- 
firmation of  all  the  farmans  and  favours  accorded  to 
the  English  just  in  the  manner  that  they  desired. 

Da,ud  Khan  now  took  the  present  again  ;  and  as  he 
knew  that  I  had  the  money,  it  being  only  the  Brahman 
who  denied  the  fact,  because  he  wished  to  embezzle 
it  like  the  thief  and  the  traitor  he  was,  he(Da,ud  Khan) 
accepted  the  present  favourably  and  thought  highly  of 
it.  He  told  me  to  retain  the  money  until  he  sent 
someone  to  receive  it.  Upon  this  I  took  my  leave 
of  him. 

Next  day  I  sent  on  the  present  that  I  had  for  the 
chief  minister,  who  took  it  with  much  politeness  and 
many  thanks.  This  lord  is  one  of  the  most  polished 
men  to  be  found  among  the  Mahomedans.  He  in- 
vited me  to  his  table  and  entertained  me  magnificently, 
one  of  the  greatest  honours  that  these  people  can 
confer.  However,  the  Brahman  was  jealous  beyond 
measure  of  all  the  honours  received  by  me  from  Da,ud 
Khan,  from  the  chief  minister,  and  all  the  other  officers 
of  the  army,  a  feeling  intensified  by  seeing  himself 
despised  and  hated. 

For  this  reason  he  designed  covertly  to  make  me 
lose  the  esteem  and  reputation  that  I  had  among 
the  Mahomedans,  and  the  property  I  held  within  the 
English  jurisdiction.  To  this  end  he  tried  to  make 
use  of  the  spies  who  were  on  the  spot,  men  of  his 
tribe,  and  wished  to  force  them  into  writing  to  the 
Governor  of  Madras  and  his  council  that  I  was  the 
sole  cause  of  failure  and  the  producer  of  all  the  dis- 
putes between  the  Mahomedans  and  the  English. 
But  the  most  intimate  friends  of  the  man  knew  that 
all  he  said  was  false,  and  all  his  inventions  diabolic. 
They  refused,  but  instead  gave  me  warning  of  what 
was  going  on.  They  advised  me  not  to  put  much 
trust  in  Ramapa.  He,  on  the  other  hand,  became 
more  and  more  eager  for  my  ruin  and  destruction, 
and  had  recourse  to  other  methods.  In  pursuance 
of  this  idea  he  sought  the  advice  of  another  Brahman 


244  ATTEMPT   TO   CAUSE   TROUBLE 

he  knew,  and  then  returned  to  our  quarters.  I  asked 
him  where  he  had  been,  and  he  told  me  he  had  come 
from  the  general's.  The  latter  had  given  him  an  order 
to  place  the  money  in  the  hands  of  the  servant  of  a 
Brahman  called  Longcarne  (?  Langkaran).  Directly 
this  servant  came  to  us,  we  must  obey  the  order  forth- 
with and  without  objection.  He  added  to  this  several 
words  to  persuade  me  that  such  was  Da,ud  Khan's 
wish. 

When  he  had  finished  these  words  he  went  off  on 
other  business,  and  instantly  those  servants  appeared 
and  claimed  the  money.  The}'  told  me  they  came  on 
behalf  of  Da,ud  Khan.  There  were  several  of  them, 
and  as  soon  as  one  had  entered,  another  put  in  an 
appearance.  They  solicited  and  importuned  me  to 
such  an  extent  about  this  money,  for  which  they  said 
Da,ud  Khan  was  waiting,  that  I  remembered  what 
the  other  Brahmans  had  said  about  not  trusting 
Ramapa. 

Then  I  recollected  that  Da,ud  Khan  had  said  he 
would  inform  me  of  the  name  of  the  person  to  whom 
he  desired  that  I  should  count  out  this  money.  For 
these  reasons,  then,  I  would  not  deliver  it  to  these 
servants ;  but  to  escape  from  their  importunities  I 
said  that  they  had  only  to  wait  a  little  while  I 
went  to  fetch  the  money.  However,  instead  of  doing 
this,  1  made  all  the  haste  I  could  to  get  out  and  find 
Da,ud  Khan.  I  discovered  him  in  the  midst  of  many 
officers  conducting  a  review  of  his  cavalry.  In  spite 
of  this,  I  went  close  to  him,  and  twice  over  whispered 
in  his  ear,  asking  him  to  be  gracious  enough  to  send 
someone  to  receive  the  money. 

To  these  words  he  replied  by  telling  me  to  wait 
a  little.  When  he  had  finished  his  inspection  I  re- 
newed my  prayer  that  he  would  be  good  enough  to 
relieve  me  of  that  burden,  since  he  knew  very  well 
that  1  could  not  guard  it  securely.  At  last,  to  satisfy 
me,  he  sent  for  his  treasurer,  and,  after  having  had 
a  good  look  first  one  wa}r  and  then  another,  to  see 


NEGOTIATIONS  SATISFACTORILY  CONCLUDED    245 

that  no  one  was  watching,  he  said  to  him  privately,  and 
to  me  also,  that  he  must  go  to  receive  that  money. 

I  returned  to  my  quarters  highly  pleased,  and  there 
1  found  no  trace  of  the  lackeys  I  spoke  of  above,  nor 
have  I  ever  seen  them  since.  In  a  little  time  the 
treasurer  arrived,  and  I  delivered  the  money  to  him 
in  the  presence  of  several  of  my  friends  and  some 
servants  of  the  Company.  He,  too,  was  very  joyful 
at  receiving  it,  for  there  is  no  greater  pleasure  to 
these  men  than  when  they  behold  the  store  of  their 
master  on  the  increase. 

Some  little  time  afterwards  the  Brahman  Ramapa 
returned,  and,  although  he  knew  all  that  had  happened, 
he  made  no  sign ;  on  the  contrary,  he  asserted  he 
knew  nothing  whatever.  But  I  told  him  I  had  paid 
over  the  money  to  the  general's  treasurer,  and  not 
to  the  men  of  the  Brahman  Langkaran.  Upon  this, 
in  the  humblest  tone  and  his  eyes  swimming  with 
tears,  he  began  to  make  excuse,  just  as  is  their  habit ; 
for  it  may  be  truly  said  that  these  people  are  very 
much  like  crocodiles  (cocordilles\  whose  skin  changes 
at  their  will  and  pleasure.1 

These  difficulties  occasioned  me  much  trouble,  and 
were  all  due  to  the  Brahman ;  so  great  were  they,  that 
I  was  not  far  from  losing  my  life.  The  whole  affair 
caused  me  the  more  vexation  because  this  Brahman 
had  many  friends  at  Madras,  and  many  relations 
among  the  merchants  who  were  influential  with  the 
governor,  et  cetera.  In  spite  of  this,  by  Heaven's  help 
I  was  delivered  entirely,  upholding  my  own  honour 
and  that  of  the  Company.  Upon  quitting  the  army  I 
had  the  delight  of  hearing,  mingled  with  other  com- 
pliments, that  all  which  had  been  gained  was  on 
account  of  me  ;  I  found  myself  also  regaled  by  a  very 
rich  sardpd  (set  of  robes),  which  I  showed  to  the 
Brahman,  who  also  received  one  for  himself. 

About  fifteen  days  afterwards  I  returned  to  Madras, 
and  rendered  an  account  to  the  governor  of  all  that 

1  Does  he  not  mean  to  say  "  chameleons." 
17 


•246  DA,UD   &BAN   COMES   AGAIN 

I  had  done  in  regard  to  the  interests  of  the  Company 
and  to  the  matters  he  had  committed  to  me.  This 
generous  man,  having  obtained  full  confirmation  of 
my  story,  was  very  satisfied,  and  gave  me  many 
marks  of  his  gratitude.  I  did  not  tell  him  all  that  the 
Brahman  had  done  to  me,  for  he  had  besought  me 
with  tears  in  his  eyes  not  to  say  anything.  His  tears 
compelled  me  to  have  compassion,  and,  instead  of 
telling,  I  made  over  to  him  two  lengths  of  cloth, 
thereby  rewarding  his  ingratitude  and  infamous 
conduct  by  a  largesse.  I  let  him  see  that  a  generous 
and  Christian  heart  (be  it  said  without  boasting)  never 
resents  the  wrongs  or  injustice  done  to  it. 

[Some  months  later  Manucci  had  further  dealings 
with  Da,ud  Khan,  who  arrived  at  San  Thome  with  his 
army,  on  his  return  from  collecting  tribute  in  Tanjor 
and  elsewhere.] 

Lastly  he  reached  Madras  with  all  his  army.  At 
this  spot  the  Governor  of  Madras  sent  out  to  salute 
him  Mr.  Ellis,  the  second  in  council,  accompanied  by 
two  other  officials.  They  carried  with  them  a  present 
similar  to  the  one  I  had  given  him  when  I  applied  for 
confirmation  of  the  farmans  to  the  Company.  Their 
orders  were  also  to  pay  many  compliments  to  the  chief 
minister.  Of  all  these  duties  the  Englishmen  acquitted 
themselves. 

By  chance  I  happened  to  be  present  when  these 
gentlemen  arrived  at  the  camp,  (because  I  had  gone 
there  also  to  pay  my  respects  to  the  general  and  the 
chief  minister.  The  visitors  were  badly  enough 
received ;  for  Da,ud  Khan  declined  to  receive  this 
"ordinary  present"  as  he  styled  it.  He  told  them 
plainly  that  these  articles  were  not  such  as  could  be 
presented  to  a  man  of  his  rank.  He  felt  astonished 
that  the  governor  should  send  presents  of  such  small 
importance  ;  he  should  remember  that  he  was  the  first 
man  in  the  province,  and  lieutenant-general  for  the 
Great  Mogul.  He  also  said  to  them  that  he  was 


AN   ENGLISH   DEPUTATION  247 

greatly  amazed  at  the  governor  sending  a  Brahman 
to  Arkat  in  the  company  of  Dr.  Manouchy,  to  take 
part  in  the  discussion  of  their  business.  The  matter 
was  fully  important  enough  to  demand  a  man  of 
another  stamp  than  this  Brahman,  a  nobody  and 
of  no  standing.  His  amazement  was  all  the  greater, 
since  the  man  had  tried  to  do  harm  to  Dr.  Manouchy, 
who  had  been  brought  up  in  the  courts  of  Asia, 
more  especially  that  of  the  Great  Mogul.  He  added 
some  further  words  in  my  praise  and  to  my  honour, 
such  as  is  not  meet  for  me  to  repeat. 

In  the  end  the  Englishmen  were  given  leave  to 
depart,  and  they  received  some  very  fine  cloth-of-gold 
and  silver,  of  which  he  made  them  a  present.  He 
added  many  soft  and  sugared  words,  for  he  declared 
to  them  that  he  was  a  firm  friend  of  their  nation ;  they 
ought  to  repose  entire  confidence  in  him,  for  he  would 
at  all  times  be  ready  to  do  them  a  service  in  all  matters. 
But  along  with  these  speeches  he  did  not  omit  to 
tell  them  that  presents  sent  to  a  minister  of  his 
standing  ought  to  be  large  and  proportionate  to  his 
rank  and  authority. 

Those  gentlemen  wished  to  make  excuses,  but  he 
declined  to  listen.  Whatever  efforts  they  made  to 
persuade  him  that  they  were  treating  him  exactly 
like  all  the  other  nawabs,  his  predecessors,  and  above 
all,  Zu,lfiqar  Khan,  who  is  generalissimo  at  the 
court  of  the  Mogul,  he  remained  deaf  to  all  their 
arguments.  The  English  were  much  put  out  by  this 
treatment,  which  was  founded  on  nothing  but  cupidity. 
Therefore,  foreseeing  the  inconveniences  likely  to  be 
produced  by  his  displeasure,  they  decided  to  employ 
some  friends  to  plead  their  cause.  They  applied  to 
the  chief  minister  and  others,  who  adjusted  the  quarrel. 
The  conditions  were  that  the  same  present  should  be 
sent  again,  adding  five  thousand  rupees  and  some  very 
rare  European  curiosities.  After  this  they  became 
friends. 

Da, ad  Khan  subsequently  (July  u)  sent  a  message 


248        DA,UD   KHAN   VISITS   GOVERNOR   PITT 

to  the  governor  that  he  was  desirous  of  visiting  him, 
as  he  (Pitt)  could  not  come  to  San  Thome.  The 
governor  requested  me  to  go  to  that  place  (San 
Thome)  to  receive  him  (Da,ud  Khan)  (July  12),  and 
escort  him  to  this  fortress  (Fort  St.  George).  This 
I  did.  We  left  San  Thome  with  fifty  horsemen,  as 
previously  agreed  on.  On  our  way  we  met  the 
councillors  from  Madras,  accompanied  by  a  part  of 
the  garrison.  After  reciprocal  compliments  between 
the  two  parties,  we  resumed  our  journey. 

Upon  reaching  the  gate  of  the  town,  we  perceived 
all  the  soldiers — European  and  Indian — under  arms, 
and  drawn  up  in  single  rank  on  both  sides  from  that 
spot  up  to  the  fort  gate,  while  a  number  of  armed  men 
were  on  the  town  wall  and  the  fort  wall.  These  were 
arranged  in  excellent  order,  much  to  the  astonishment 
of  Da,ud  Khan,  who  could  not  repress  signs  of  admira- 
tion. Still  greater  was  his  amazement  when,  as  they 
drew  near  the  fort  gateway  the  soldiers  and  officers, 
on  catching  sight  of  the  governor,  drew  themselves 
up  in  line  and  went  through  divers  movements  which 
were  quite  unknown  to  him.  They  were  only  done  in 
his  honour  and  that  of  the  governor.  But  being 
unaccustomed  to  all  this  military  ceremonial,  he  was 
thrown  into  a  state  of  confusion  and  apprehension. 
He  believed  himself  to  be  already  a  prisoner.  For 
this  reason  he  spoke  to  me  in  a  loud  voice,  requesting 
that  all  these  men  might  be  withdrawn.  I  reassured 
him,  saying  it  was  nothing  but  the  usual  ceremonial 
and  method  among  these  troops ;  he  should  not  be  in 
the  least  afraid,  or  suspect  anything.  At  the  same 
time  I  took  care  to  cry  out  to  the  soldiers  that  they 
must  retire. 

While  1  was  speaking  the  governor  arrived,  accom- 
panied by  a  large  number  of  officials  and  servants. 
I  told  him  (Pitt)  he  must  embrace  Da,ud  Khan,  who 
by  this  time  had  dismounted  with  all  his  retinue. 
This  embrace  was  given,  and  then  the  chief  minister 
and  the  bakhshl  were  received  in  the  same  fashion. 


SALUTES   AND   TOASTS  249 

Then  we  entered  the  fort,  where  the  governor  paid 
him  innumerable  tokens  of  respect  and  friendship  and 
conducted  him  to  his  rooms.  These  were  magnifi- 
cently furnished.  The  bed  in  his  room  was  covered 
with  a  quilt  of  (blank).  He  admired  it  in  a  way  to 
show  that  he  had  never  seen  one  like  it  before,  and 
he  begged  me  to  ask  the  governor  if  he  could  give  him 
a  pattern  of  that  coverlet,  and  this  I  did  in  a  low  voice. 

The  latter  (Pitt),  readier  even  to  give  than  the  other 
to  ask,  made  him  a  present  of  two  others.  He  even 
offered  to  give  him  the  whole  bed.  Da,ud  Khan 
would  not  accept  this,  contenting  himself  with  the 
two  bed  covers,  these  being  of  a  wonderful,  extra- 
ordinary, and  strange  workmanship.  Upon  entering 
the  room  the  governor  presented  to  him  a  ball  of 
ambergris  mounted  in  gold,  with  a  rich  chain  of  the 
same  metal.  After  this  was  done  they  sat  down,  and 
the  conversation  turned  on  various  subjects  with 
offers  of  service.  When  the  talk  was  finished,  the 
governor  sent  for  wine,  and  drank  to  the  health  of 
King  Aurangzeb  to  a  salute  of  thirty-one  guns. 

Da,ud  Khan  responded  to  this  by  drinking  the 
health  of  the  King  of  England  to  the  sound  of  as 
many  cannon  as  before.  Then  they  drank  the  health 
of  the  chief  minister  (waz\r\  Asad  Khan,  who  is 
nowadays  Mirolo  Morao  (Amir-ul-uinara) — that  is 
"  Noble  of  Nobles."  This  title  was  borne  by  Aurang- 
zeb's  uncle  and  father-in-law  (i.e.  Shaistah  Khan, 
died  1695).  A  salute  of  twenty-one  guns  was  fired. 
This  was  followed  by  a  toast  to  Zul,lfiqar  Khan,  and 
one  to  Da,ud  Khan  himself,  each  with  the  same 
number  of  cannon.  To  end  with,  they  drank  to  the 
Dtwdn,  the  chief  minister  of  this  general,  and  to  his 
bakhshl,  each  time  to  the  sound  of  fifteen  cannon. 

He  was  astonished  at  the  rapidity  and  dexterity 
with  which  everything  was  carried  out,  and  was 
highly  gratified  by  it  all.  While  these  ceremonies 
were  taking  place,  they  made  him  a  present  of  several 
cases  of  liqueurs,  spirits,  and  wines  of  Europe  of 
17* 


25o  DA,UD   KHAN   DEPARTS 

different  sorts.  All  these  he  greatly  prized.  Next 
he  was  led  into  a  large  hall  adorned  with  all  kinds 
of  arms.  There  he  found  a  magnificent  dinner  pre- 
pared in  European  and  Indian  fashion.  He  admired 
the  variety  of  the  arms,  for  which,  however,  he  had 
no  envy,  unless  for  the  spears.  Having  asked  the 
governor  for  one,  two  were  given  to  him. 

He  then  went  to  seek  repose  for  an  hour,  and  after 
that  took  his  leave.  The  governor  accompanied  him 
as  far  as  the  fort  gateway,  the  general  protesting 
against  his  coming  any  farther.  There  they  reiterated 
their  compliments  and  polite  speeches,  and  Mr.  Pitt 
wished  him  a  pleasant  journey.  On  his  side  the 
general  put  forward  many  offers  of  service,  and  assured 
him  of  a  perpetual  peace,  wishing  him  every  success  in 
his  enterprises  and  trading;  and  said  he  would  ever 
remain  his  friend  and  protector  so  long  as  he  ruled  the 
province. 

The  governor  did  not  withdraw  until  Da,ud  Khan 
had  mounted  his  horse — nay,  wanted  to  hold  the 
stirrup  for  him,  but  this  Da,ud  Khan  would  not  allow. 
But  to  me  he  said  in  a  low  voice  that  he  would  like  to 
be  saluted  with  some  salvoes  of  artillery  as  he  was 
leaving  the  town.  This  desire  was  carried  out,  the 
musketeers  also  accompanying  him  to  the  boundary  of 
San  Thome.  I  went  with  him  half-way  there,  when 
he  said  that  as  it  was  already  late  I  might  go  back  to 
Madras.  All  this  he  said  with  many  compliments  and 
a  thousand  expressions  of  civility,  ending  by  saying 
that  he  hoped  to  pass  still  two  or  three  days  in  my 
house  at  the  Big  Mount,  and  rest  himself  there.  I 
consented  with  the  greatest  pleasure,  as  may  be 
imagined.  1  went  there  to  see  him  before  he  started 
for  Arkat,  when  he  gave  me  a  valuable  set  of  robes,  and 
repeated  his  offer  of  serving  me  just  as  he  was  used  to 
do  on  previous  occasions. 

The  above  is  the  mode  in  which  things  happened 
and  an  arrangement  was  arrived  at,  the  Mahomedans 
making  profuse  protestations  to  the  English  of  service 


DA,UD   KHAN'S   HOSTILE   RETURN  25-1 

and  friendship.  We  shall  see  next  how  these  perfidious 
men  acquitted  themselves  of  such  promises.  At  the 
end  of  December  1701  I  was  at  Pondicherry  on  business 
connected  with  the  Tanjor  persecutions,  of  which  I 
have  already  spoken.  At  the  end  of  January  in  the 
next  year  (1702)  I  had  trustworthy  information  that 
Da,ud  Khan  and  the  diwan  and  the  whole  army  were 
about  to  leave  Arkat  again  for  Madras.  This  fact  I 
learned  from  different  sources  through  various  friends 
and  officials  known  to  me,  some  of  whom  sent  a  warn- 
ing to  me  that  during  this  march  some  harm  was 
intended  to  Madras. 

He  had  received  peremptory  orders  from  the  court 
to  deal  rigorously  with  the  English. 

This  news  forced  me  to  forsake  the  pleasant  company 
of  the  French,  in  order  to  return  with  all  possible 
haste  to  Madras.  I  arrived  there  on  February  2  of  the 
same  year  (1702).  On  my  taking  leave  of  them  the 
governor,  Francois  Martin,  and  the  other  officials  of 
the  Royal  Company,  strongly  enjoined  me  to  let  them 
know  what  happened  between  the  English  and  Mahome- 
dans,  sending  off  immediately  express  messengers 
(pions).  This  requisition  I  executed  without  fail. 

A  few  days  afterwards  I  warned  Governor  Pitt  of 
Da,ud  Khan's  approach.  In  fact  he  arrived  at  San 
Thome  two  days  afterwards.  On  my  advice  they  sent 
him  a  Mahomedan  servant  of  and  trader  under  the 
Company,  named  Coja  Ammad  (Khwajah  Ahmad),  as 
also  another  merchant  of  the  town  named  Narapa. 
But  the  second  man  fell  ill  and  only  the  first  named 
went ;  I  went  also. 

There  I  found  the  general,  the  diwan,  the  bakhshl, 
and  all  the  officers  assembled.  They  received  me 
most  cordially,  showing  many  signs  of  joy  and  em- 
bracing me.  They  sent  without  delay  for  Khwajah 
Ahmad,  who  appeared  at  once.  They  directed  him  to 
inform  the  Governor  of  Madras  that  they  desired  his 
presence  at  San  Thome.  They  had  important  matters 
to  communicate  to  him.  If  he  could  not  come  himself. 


252   MANUCCI  ACTS  AS  ENVOY  ONCE  MORE 

would  he  send  the  second  and  the  third  in  council 
(February  4  or  15)?  Then  Da,ud  Khan  and  the  diwan 
turned  towards  me,  and  said  I  must  confirm  to  these 
gentlemen  (the  English)  whatever  Khwajah  Ahmad  had 
been  ordered  to  report  to  them.  Then  taking  me  aside 
privately,  they  told  me  to  be  sure  to  tell  the  said 
governor  to  come  himself  without  fail,  or  send  the  two 
others  of  his  council.  Then  they  said  we  must  both 
return  to  San  Thome,  showing  thereby  that  they  had 
no  confidence  in  Khwajah  Ahmad,  and  had  no  belief  in 
his  truthfulness. 

When  we  arrived  at  Madras  we  went  together  to  see 
the  governor,  and  told  him  what  the  Mahomedans  had 
charged  us  to  say  to  him.  To  this  he  replied  that  he 
neither  meant  to  go  himself  nor  send  any  of  his  council. 
He  declined  to  do  so  on  several  grounds,  principally 
because  neither  the  second  nor  the  third  nor  anyone 
else  could  speak  "  Maure"  (the  language  spoken  by  the 
Mahomedans).  But  he  urged  me  earnestly  to  return 
to  the  general  (Da,ud  Khan)  along  with  Khwajah 
Ahmad,  and  explain  the  reasons  which  hindered  him 
from  complying  with  his  request.  If  he  had  any 
negotiations  to  make  with  him  and  his  council,  he 
could  conduct  them  safely  through  Khwajah  Ahmad  as 
their  qualified  procurator. 

The  real  reason  why  the  governor  declined  to  send 
anyone  is  that  he  feared  the  Mahomedans  might  oblige 
them  by  force  to  execute  some  writing  by  which  they 
undertook  to  be  responsible  for  all  piracies  throughout 
the  seas,  and  on  all  the  coasts  of  India.  This  is  what 
they  (the  Mahomedans)  had  done  at  Surat  to  the  other 
directors  of  the  companies  of  France,  Holland,  and 
England.  Or  he  feared  they  might  be  seized  and 
constrained  to  pay  considerable  sums  to  recover  their 
liberty.  This  was  a  customary  enough  act  among  the 
Mahomedans,  and  yet  it  would  greatly  injure  their 
company. 

However,  Khwajah  Ahmad  and  I  returned  to  San 
Thome.  I  repeated  to  Da,ud  Khan  and  the  diwan  all 


MANUCCI   ACTS   AS   ENVOY   ONCE   MORE      253 

that  the  governor  had  said  to  me.  As  I  was  about  to 
leave  I  perceived  that  things  were  approaching  a 
rupture,  whereupon  I  humbly  besought  them  not  to 
employ  me  in  such  thorny  affairs.  The  intention  of 
the  two  Mahomedans  was  to  make  use  of  me  as 
mediator  between  the  two  parties.  They  had  great 
faith  in  me  because  I  spoke  the  language  fairly  well, 
and  they  imagined  that  without  harming  much  the  one 
or  the  other,  I  should  deal  with  things  to  their  advan- 
tage and  that  in  some  degree  I  should  adopt  their  side 
rather  than  the  other. 

Thus  they  laid  before  my  eyes  the  great  danger  the 
English  stood  in  of  losing  Madras.  In  so  doing  they 
somehow  forgot  that  I,  too,  had  been  suckled  in  Europe 
as  much  as  the  English  ;  that,  for  the  honour  of  my 
country  and  of  all  the  other  European  nations,  I  was 
under  greater  obligation  to  them  (the  English)  than  I 
could  possibly  be  to  the  Mahomedans.  Under  these 
circumstances  I  parted  from  them  as  civilly  as  I  could, 
and  on  sufficiently  good  terms,  in  order  to  be  able  to 
advise  the  governor  of  what  I  thought  best  for  his 
reputation  and  the  defence  of  the  town. 

[The  English  made  preparations  to  resist  any  attack, 
protesting  at  the  same  time  against  the  high-handed 
methods  of  Da,ud  Khan,  who  confiscated  thirty  loads 
of  fine  cloth  and  also  took  possession  of  three  villages. 
Their  protests  were  of  no  avail.] 

However,  Da,ud  Khan  and  the  diwan,  having  come 
to  the  conclusion  that  the  English  were  quite  resolved 
on  resistance,  that  the  town  was  fairly  strong  and 
very  well  provided  with  artillery,  and  had  a  garrison 
of  eight  hundred  seasoned  soldiers,  decided  to  send 
a  message  asking  the  governor  to  send  me  to  San 
Thome.  They  were  ready  to  discuss  matters  with 
me  and  settle  the  dispute  to  the  advantage  of  the 
company.  In  spite  of  some  time  having  elapsed 
without  my  having  seen  the  one  or  the  other  of  the 
parties,  the  governor  lost  no  time  in  sending  me. 

After  an  exchange  of  the  usual  compliments,  Da,ud 


254  PACIFIC   ARGUMENTS 

Khan  began  his  reproaches  about  the  English,  whom 
he  designated  as  over-proud  and  defiers  of  his  king's 
orders.  In  reply,  I  laid  before  him  several  arguments, 
which  I  will  not  set  forth,  to  avoid  wearying  my 
readers.  All  I  will  mention  is  that  I  showed  to  him 
the  great  harm  being  done  to  the  king's  interests  by 
the  way  he  was  acting.  For  these  nations,  worn  out 
by  such  continuous  ill-treatment,  must  inevitably  in 
the  end  leave  the  country  and  close  their  trade ;  but 
as  soon  as  ever  they  got  out  to  sea  they  would 
capture  every  merchant  vessel  they  came  across. 
They  would  make  descents  upon  the  ports  upon  the 
sea-shore,  would  carry  off  all  they  could  find,  would 
give  quarter  neither  to  rich  nor  poor,  and  wherever 
they  landed  would  spread  fire  and  desolation. 

To  all  this  I  added  that,  if  they  declined  to  listen 
to  these  arguments,  so  important  in  the  interest  of 
their  king,  I  would,  being  his  (the  king's)  servant,  go 
to  the  court  myself  and  prove  to  him  the  innocence 
of  the  English  and  the  injustice  being  done  to  all 
Europeans.  No  consideration  was  being  paid  to  the 
fact  that  these  merchants  were  neither  the  defenders 
nor  the  protectors  of  these  pirates,  from  whom  they 
also  suffered,  and  it  was  this  very  cause  that  made 
it  impossible  for  i  any  of  the  European  nations  to 
suppress  them,  or  give  the  king  the  undertaking  that 
he  demanded. 

In  spite  of  this,  Da,ud  Khan  wrote  to  the  French 
at  Pondicherry,  the  Dutch  at  Negapatam,  and  the 
Danes  at  Tranquebar,  calling  on  them  to  send  men 
and  ships  to  help  him  against  the  English  at  Madras. 
These  people,  all  of  them,  made  excuses.  While  this 
was  in  progress  attempts  were  made  to  appease  the 
Mahomedans  by  pleasant  words,  and  making  them 
limited  promises.  They  were  not  thereby  deterred 
from  continuing  their  investment  (of  Madras),  although 
carrying  it  out  less  rigorously  than  at  first ;  in  fact, 
four  Englishmen  who  had  been  made  prisoners  at 
San  Thome  by  Da,ud  Khan's  orders,  when  on  their 


MANUCCI   ASSISTS   THE   FRENCH  255 

way  from  Cuddalore,  were  now  released  and  sent 
here  (Madras),  each  being  presented  with  a  chaal 
(shawl). 

I  communicated  to  Monsieur  Martin,  Governor  of 
Pondicherry,  all  that  happened  between  the  Mahome- 
dans  and  the  English.  I  told  him  it  would  be  a  good 
thing  to  send  some  men  to  Da,ud  Khan  and  the  diwan, 
so  as  to  turn  their  minds  from  doing  at  Pondicherry 
what  they  were  then  doing  at  Madras.  Thus  that 
governor  (Martin),  who  is  extremely  prudent  and 
well  versed  in  the  Mahomedan  way  of  governing, 
decided  to  send  one  person  with  some  presents  for 
Da,ud  Khan,  the  diwan,  and  some  other  officials.  Con- 
sequently, on  the  1 5th  of  the  month  of  March  of  this 
year  (1702),  Monsieur  Desprez,  a  merchant  of  the 
Royal  Company,  arrived  at  San  Thome,  and  at  once 
informed  me  of  his  presence,  sending  me  a  letter 
from  the  governor.  In  it  Monsieur  Martin  recom- 
mended me  to  this  gentleman,  and  prayed  me  to  aid 
and  assist  him  in  his  negotiations  with  Da,ud  Khan 
and  the  other  officials. 

As  soon  as  I  heard  this  news  I  threw  up  all  the 
business  I  had  at  Madras,  and  transferred  myself  in 
all  haste  to  San  Thome,  wishing  to  be  of  use  to  the 
French  to  the  utmost  of  my  powers.  This  desire  was 
increased  by  the  fact  that  I  have  always  esteemed, 
and  shall  continue  to  esteem,  them  by  reason  of  their 
fine  qualities  and  the  honourable  attentions  with  which 
they  have  overwhelmed  me. 

After  I  had  arrived  at  San  Thome  I  had  a  con- 
versation with  the  said  Monsieur  Desprez.  I  found 
him  very  much  troubled ;  for  never  before,  all  his  life 
long,  had  he  been  concerned  in  a  similar  business,  and 
had  never  paid  a  visit  to  a  Mahomedan  of  this  rank. 
I  gave  him  encouragement,  and  told  him  I  would  do 
all  that  was  necessary  to  carry  through  the  affairs  of 
the  Royal  Company.  I  would  accompany  him  on 
his  visit  to  Da,ud  Khan,  the  diwan,  the  bakhshi,  each 
one  separately.  This  I  did,  and  he  was  well  received 


256  THE    FRENCH    ENVOY   SUCCESSFUL 

by  these  lords,  who  gave  him  many  testimonies  of  the 
regard  in  which  they  held  the  French,  and  betrayed 
to  him  their  pleasure  at  the  French  having  sent  to 
compliment  them  so  very  politely. 

Monsieur  Desprez  had  brought  a  present  for  Da,ud 
Khan,  and  one  for  the  cfawan,  and  never  dreamt  that 
the  bakhshi  would  also  require  to  be  remembered. 
But  I  adjusted  all  that ;  I  observed  that  there  was 
enough  in  what  he  had  brought  to  bear  division  into 
three  parts;  this  I  did.  In  this  way  they  were  highly 
contented,  and  he  obtained  his  leave  to  depart  after 
a  very  short  delay.  It  took  him  only  eight  days  to 
get  through  the  business.  When  he  said  good-bye, 
the  nawab  and  all  the  other  officials  requested  him  to 
assure  his  governor  of  their  friendship.  He  might 
live  unconcerned,  nor  need  he  have  the  slightest 
doubt  about  the  respect  they  had  for  his  person- 
ality ;  and  in  all  that  lay  in  their  power  they  would 
be  always  ready  to  help  the  French  of  the  Royal 
Company.  It  sufficed  that  Monsieur  Manouchy  was 
the  governor's  friend  to  ensure  their  giving  all  the 
help  that  lay  in  their  power,  for  was  not  he 
(Manucci)  loved  and  respected  by  all  the  ministers 
of  Aurangzeb  ? 

Da,ud  Khan  sent  to  Monsieur  Martin  a  very  fine 
horse,  valued  at  one  thousand  rupees,  along  with  a 
costly  set  of  robes;  another  set  was  given  to  the 
said  Monsieur  Desprez.  The  diwan  and  bakhshi 
also  gave  him  a  very  good  set  each,  and  sent  him 
off  in  a  satisfactory  manner.  He  bore  with  him 
a  complimentary  letter  to  the  governor,  and  the 
latter  was  highly  satisfied,  being  hardly  able  to  con- 
tain himself  for  joy  at  being  thus  delivered  from  such 
rascals. 

In  the  year  1703  I  received  a  letter  from  Da,ud  Khan 
and  another  from  the  diwan  Chaadetulcan  (Sa'adatullah 
Khan),  and  several  others  from  other  lords.  By  these 
letters  they  entreated  me  to  visit  them,  especially  as 
they  had  much  need  of  me.  I  began  my  journey  on 


MANUCCI   VISITS   DA,UD   KHAN  257 

February  27  of  the  same  year  (1703),  and  found  the 
said  general  at  the  town  of  Carpa  (Cudapah,  Karapa), 
distant  one  hundred  and  twenty  leagues  from  Madras. 
I  was  very  well  received  by  these  gentlemen  accord- 
ing to  their  customs.  They  asked  me  to  be  so  good 
as  to  treat  a  captain  named  Mohamed  Jafar  (Muhammad 
Ja'far),  a  Persian  by  race.  1  would  not  undertake  the 
case,  for  he  was  already  moribund — in  fact,  he  died 
a  few  days  afterwards.  During  the  short  time  I  was 
with  their  army  I  got  no  time  to  rest,  for  everybody 
pestered  me,  as  their  way  is,  for  medicines — even  those 
who  had  no  need  of  them.  They  would  say  as  a 
reason  :  "  I  have  no  appetite  ;  give  me  some  medicine 
to  make  me  eat  like  an  elephant,  or  like  a  camel,  or,  at 
any  rate,  like  a  horse."  And  all  these  brute-like  de- 
mands simply  to  have  strength  to  slake  their  sensuality, 
for  their  minds  are  filled  with,  and  they  have  no  other 
diversion  than,  the  desire  to  steal  all  they  can,  for  no 
other  object  than  the  accomplishment  of  their  carnal 
desires. 

At  the  end  of  fifteen  days  they  gave  me  leave  to  go 
in  an  honourable  manner,  conferring  on  me  a  sardpa 
(set  of  robes)  and  enough  money  to  pay  the  cost  of 
my  journey.  These  gentlemen  gave  me  a  letter  for 
the  governor  of  this  place  (Madras),  conveying  many 
thanks  for  having  sent  me,  and  they  told  him  other 
details  of  my  journey.  Verbally  they  directed  me  to 
say  to  the  said  governor  that  he  must  give  back  three 
villages,  those  that  Zu,lfiqar  Khan  had  presented  to 
the  Honourable  Company  of  England  in  the  days  of 
his  being  governor ;  since  then  fresh  orders  had  been 
received  to  take  possession  of  them  again. 

I  arrived  at  Madras,  and  carried  out  the  orders  that 
had  been  given  to  me.  But  the  governor,  Thomas 
Pitt,  paid  no  heed  to  the  message ;  for  having  much 
experience  he  knows  perfectly  the  manners  and  cus- 
toms of  this  kind  of  people.  They  seek  continually 
fresh  methods  of  capturing  some  money.  His  reply 
to  them  was,  that  he  was  the  owner  of  the  villages, 


258     THE  FRENCH  AND  THE  MOGULS 

and  that  he  meant  to  keep  them,  so  much  so  that  to 
this  day  he  remains  in  possession. 

On  this  reply  there  came  certain  menaces,  but  in  the 
end  the  thing  blew  over  without  further  disturbance. 

The  said  diwan  gave  me  another  letter  for  the 
Governor  of  Pondicherry,  Francois  Martin,  which 
contained  but  some  compliments  and  friendly  ex- 
pressions. But  the  said  diwan  or  governor  directed 
me  verbally  to  say  to  the  said  Sieur  Martin  that  he 
had  received  orders  from  the  King  Aurangzeb  to 
obtain  the  lands  controlled  by  Pondicherry.  The 
answer  given  (by  the  French)  was  that  they  had 
been  bought  from  the  hands  of  Roma  Raja  (Ram 
Raja),  son  of  Shiva  Jt,  that  afterwards  they  had 
received  them  back  at  the  hands  of  the  Dutch ;  that 
the  lands  were  in  their  possession,  and  they  meant 
to  keep  them  to  all  eternity.  After  this  reply  they 
sent  him  a  few  presents,  and  since  then  nothing  more 
has  been  said  about  the  matter.  It  is  the  fashion  of 
these  Moguls  to  make  a  display  of  power  (in  this  way) 
and  proclaim  themselves  all-powerful  and  masters  of 
everything.  Subsequently,  when  they  discover  that 
they  cannot  overcome  either  by  force  or  artifice,  they 
dissemble,  but  if  at  a  future  time  an  occasion  presents 
itself,  they  keep  neither  their  word  nor  the  friendship 
that  they  had  promised. 

COUNTRY  BETWEEN  MADRAS  AND  CUDDAPAH 

I  noticed  in  this  little  journey  that  the  country  is 
full  of  hills,  and  that  the  roads  are  very  narrow. 
Thus,  had  the  inhabitants  displayed  any  courage  or 
valour  it  would  never  have  been  possible  for  the 
Moguls,  with  all  the  forces  at  their  command,  to 
make  themselves  masters  of  it.  I  also  beheld  several 
ancient  fortresses  built  by  the  Hindu  princes  of  the 
Karnatik ;  for  those  who  are  nowadays  in  command 
on  behalf  of  the  Mogul  had  been  warned  of  my 
approach,  and  invited  me  to  visit  them.  £ach  one 


FORTRESSES   AND   ARTILLERY  259 

made  me  a  present,  such  as  some  pieces  of  silk,  some 
shawls,  et  cetera,  and  treated  me  most  splendidly 
according  to  their  fashion.  It  is  true  that  the}r  did 
not  present  these  things  to  me  for  nothing,  for  in 
return  I  gave  them  such  medicines  as  they  wanted. 

I  noticed  that  these  fortresses  had  not  been  de- 
signed by  good  architects  or  engineers.  The  works 
are  (?weak)  in  spite  of  their  walls  being  built  of  great 
hewn  stones  fixed  in  cement,  and  their  being  provided 
with  hollowrs  or  ditches  right  round  them.  In  some 
ditches  there  is  a  water  supply,  in  others  none.  The 
forts  have  also  some  pieces  of  artillery  twenty  to 
twenty-five  feet  long,  of  which  the  calibre  is  so 
extremely  large  that  a  big  fat  man  can  easily  get 
inside.  The  greater  number  of  these  guns  lie  on 
the  ground  outside  the  fort  gates.  There  are,  in 
addition,  a  few  inside  in  different  positions.  I  also 
noticed  some  small  pieces  on  the  walls  and  bastions, 
carrying  a  ball  of  from  one  half-pound  to  three  pounds 
weight.  They  were  mounted  on  heavy  blocks  of  wood, 
without  carriages  or  wheels,  and  their  muzzles  pointed 
into  the  air. 

Their  only  use  is  to  make  a  noise  and  smoke  on  the 
days  when  a  new  moon  appears,  or  when  it  is  intended 
to  frighten  someone,  for  to  go  through  any  drill  with 
them,  or  to  teach  how  to  aim  them  in  one  direction 
or  another,  that  is  an  impossible  thing.  Nevertheless, 
the  Mogul  never  omits  to  sanction  the  money  neces- 
sary for  efficiently  providing  all  these  fortresses,  and 
sees  that  there  are  faithful  officers  in  charge,  such  as 
Darroges  (daroghak)  Ammy  (amiri),  and  Morseg 
(mushrif) — that  is  to  say  (blank  in  the  original).  In 
addition  there  is  a  commandant  at  each  fortified  place. 
But  the  whole  lot  are  thieves,  and  the  places  are  kept 
like  cowsheds. 

During  this  journey  I  also  received  an  invitation 
from  Gulla  Maly  Can  (Qhulam  'Alt  Khan),  governor 
of  the  fortress  of  Velours  (Velur,  Vellore),  my  ancient 
friend  who  gave  himself  up  to  Da,ud  Khan,  as  1  have 


260  VELLORE   FORTRESS:   CROCODILES 

related.  This  lord  received  me  with  great  joy,  the 
more  so  that  at  the  moment  they  were  in  the  midst 
of  feasts  and  banquets  in  honour  of  some  grandson 
of  his.  This  event  he  had  looked  forward  to  for 
several  years  past,  and  now  attributed  to  the  virtues 
of  my  medicine  the  appearance  in  the  world  of  this 
new  heir  to  his  wealth.  For  this  reason  he  gave 
me  several  things  and  uttered  many  expressions  of 
gratitude ;  in  addition  he  sent  with  me  as  an  escort 
twenty-five  horsemen  and  five  matchlock  men. 

The  fortress  of  Vellore  is  large  and  well  built.  It 
has  lateral  supporting  walls  and  the  ditch  is  large, 
about  fifty  cubits  in  width,  and  filled  by  springs 
rising  in  it.  The  water  is  full  of  crocodiles,  and 
if  by  misfortune  anyone  falls  into  it  he  is  at  once 
torn  to  pieces  and  eaten  up  by  them.  Out  of 
curiosity  I  went  quite  close  to  the  ditch ;  these 
animals,  seeing  on  the  water  the  shadow  of  human 
beings,  at  once  opened  their  jaws.  I  threw  them  a 
goat,  which  they  tore  to  pieces  at  once  and  ate, 
snatching  the  pieces  out  of  each  other's  jaws.  I  ob- 
served that  at  the  noise  these  made  other  crocodiles 
rushed  from  different  parts  of  the  ditch.  They  were 
in  such  great  numbers,  and  there  was  such  con- 
fusion, that  they  could  not  be  counted.  They  kept 
their  heads  out  of  the  water  and  their  jaws  wide 
open.  As  a  pastime  I  threw  them  several  goats 
in  pieces;  they  fell  upon  the  pieces,  and  without 
any  chewing  swallowed  them  at  one  mouthful.  At 
another  place  I  made  the  men  throw  in  some  heads 
of  goats  with  large  horns.  But  no  sooner  had  they 
been  thrown  in  than  the  crocodiles  with  a  toss  of  the 
head  had  at  once  swallowed  them,  for  these  animals 
are  monstrous.  It  can  also  be  said  that  they  render 
the  fortress  stronger,  and  defend  it  from  any  assault 
that  might  be  delivered.  But  what  protection  are 
they  against  the  high  hills  surrounding  the  place, 
from  the  summit  of  which  the  walls  could  be  knocked 
down  by  pieces  of  artillery  ? 


VELLORE    FORTRESS:  CROCODILES          261 

According  to  the  custom  of  the  country  there  come 
at  times  strange  men  who,  as  a  sacrifice  for  their  sins, 
throw  themselves  into  this  ditch.  The  Mahomedans 
often  sacrifice  buffaloes,  cows,  goats,  et  cetera,  and  all 
this  forms  the  food  of  the  crocodiles.  Da,ud  Khan, 
when  he  mastered  the  fortress,  had  all  the  thieves 
caught  in  the  army  thrown  to  these  crocodiles.  This 
he  did  by  way  of  a  thanksgiving  sacrifice  for  the 
reduction  of  a  place  of  such  fame.  This  is  what 
they  ordinarily  do  to  secure  good  success  in  their 
designs. 


18 


PART    IV 

DA,UD  KHAN  VISITS  SAN  THOME 

AFTER  Da,ud  Khan  had  taken  the  fortress  of  Pilconda 
(Penukonda),  as  already  stated,  he  came  to  San  Thome 
in  the  month  of  November  (1706).  Before  entering 
the  town  he  rested  for  one  day  and  one  night  in  my 
house,  situated  at  the  foot  of  Monte  Grande  (the  Great 
Mount,  of  which  I  have  already  spoken).  I  was  unable 
to  go  out  myself  to  meet  him  by  reason  of  the  heavy 
rain  then  falling. 

The  following  day  he  came  on  to  San  Thome,  and 
went  straight  to  see  the  Lord  Bishop,  prostrating  him- 
self at  his  feet,  as  is  their  custom  in  the  case  of  religious 
mendicants.  The  bishop  received  him  in  the  church 
with  music  and  instruments.  On  his  leaving  he  pre- 
sented three  hundred  and  fifty  rupees  to  the  household 
of  the  said  Most  Illustrious,  and  then  retired  to  his 
tents. 

As  I  was  anxious  to  pay  him  a  visit,  the  Governor 
of  Madras,  Thomas  Pitt,  asked  me  to  go  in  company  of 
the  envoys  he  must  that  day  send.  I  acceded  to  the 
governor's  wishes. 

The  envoys  were  the  following :  Mester  Rabart 
(Raworth)  and  Mester  Fedorik  (Frederick),  both  of 
the  Council ;  the  third  Mester  Devenport  (Davenport), 
secretary,  the  fourth  Mester  Canosbin  (Coningsby), 
both  well-born,  well-instructed  young  men  of  good 
carriage.  Joined  with  them  was  the  doctor  of 
the  Honourable  Company,  called  Doctor  Botler 
(Bulkley). 

263 


264     ENGLISH  DEPUTATION  VISITS  DA,UD  KHAN 

The  four  above-mentioned  gentlemen  were  mounted 
on  handsome  Arabian  and  Persian  horses,  while  the 
doctor  and  I  were  in  palanquins.  During  the  march 
there  went  in  front  one  hundred  halberdiers,  men  of 
the  country  ;  behind  them  were  carried  two  flags,  and 
after  these  marched  sixty-two  European  soldiers, 
commanded  by  a  sergeant.  We  went  on  and  found 
Da,ud  Khan  in  a  large  tent  erected  on  the  sea-shore, 
and  fitted  with  carpets.  He  was  seated  on  a  small 
bedstead  and  clothed  in  simple  raiment.  On  our 
entering  the  tent  he  rose  and  embraced  us  all,  then 
made  us  sit  near  him.  He  displayed  much  urbanity, 
and  was  most  courteous.  After  exchanging  compli- 
ments, we  passed  an  hour  and  a  half  in  conversation 
with  him.  He  professed  himself  a  warm  friend  of  the 
governor,  praising  his  good  administration. 

Upon  giving  us  our  leave  he  presented  us  each  with 
an  emerald  ring  worth  two  hundred  rupees,  and  placed 
in  the  hands  of  Mester  Rabart  (Raworth)  a  jewel  to  be 
presented  to  the  governor ;  it  was  worth  five  hundred 
rupees.  He  remarked  that  he  was  sending  it  in 
sign  of  remembrance,  and  he  would  be  glad  to  meet 
him  and  drink  a  glass  or  two  to  his  health  in  his 
company. 

The  next  day  the  governor  sent  him  a  messenger, 
a  person  of  standing,  with  many  compliments,  to  say 
that  he  would  expect  him  during  his  march.  Da,ud 
Khan  started,  but  half-way  reflected  that  the  English 
would  never  permit  his  entry  with  a  number  of 
retainers  and  that  some  dispute  might  arise  between 
the  soldiers  on  both  sides.  Thus,  stipulating  with 
me  to  get  his  salute  of  guns  from  the  city,  he  halted. 
He  proposed  going  to  a  garden  belonging  to  an 
English  resident  of  that  city,  and  sent  word  to  the 
governor  that  from  certain  reasons  he  had  changed 
his  mind  as  to  his  visit.  At  once  there  started  to  greet 
him  the  same  Englishmen  as  specified  above,  and  with 
them  a  young  man,  a  private  merchant  named  Mester 
Lester  (Lister),  son-in-law  of  Daniel  Chardin,  also  a 


A    BANQUET   AND   PRESENTS  265 

famous  merchant,  and  much  esteemed  by  him  (Da,ud 
Khan).  I,  too,  was  of  the  company. 

The  banquet  which  had  been  prepared  was  carried 
to  the  garden  along  with  several  cases  of  good  wine. 
When  the  meal  was  finished  they  made  him  a  present 
of  eight  pieces  of  broad-cloth  of  various  colours, 
different  pieces  of  silver  plate,  such  as  candlesticks, 
fan-boxes,  basins,  inkstands,  boxes,  scent-sprinklers, 
et  cetera,  two  large  mirrors  in  gilt  frames,  several 
chests  of  liqueurs,  Persian  wine,  and  rose-water, 
a  large  quantity  of  dried  fruit,  almonds,  walnuts, 
filberts,  pistachios,  apricots,  et  cetera,  the  whole 
amounting  in  cost  to  seven  thousand  rupees.  The 
Nawab,  pleased  and  satisfied,  resumed  his  journey, 
and  passed  six  days  in  San  Thome.  I  felt  it  my 
duty  to  pay  him  a  visit  every  day  in  return  for 
the  obligations  I  was  under,  and  also  because  he 
asked  me. 

As  Da,ud  Khan  was  suffering  from  sciatic  pains,  he 
sent  a  man  to  beg  the  governor  of  this  place  (Madras) 
to  do  him  the  favour  of  lending  him  the  services  of  his 
medical  man  to  treat  him.  In  reply  the  governor  sent 
his  doctor  with  all  the  articles  requisite. 

At  this  time  (when  Da,ud  Khan  was  laid  up)  the 
Lord  Bishop  went  to  pay  him  a  visit,  and  gave  him  a 
present  of  some  torches  and  candles  of  white  wax. 
He  explained  that  he  was  a  poor  "darvesh"  and  had 
no  wealth  with  which  to  find  presents.  He  was 
received  most  courteously.  On  the  next  day  Da,ud 
Khan  went  to  see  him,  and  said  good-bye.  He  was 
received  in  the  way  I  have  already  described,  and 
once  more  he  gave  the  bishop  three  hundred  and  fifty 
rupees.  He  drank  a  considerable  quantity  of  wine, 
and  the  principal  Portuguese  inhabitants,  to  the 
number  of  four,  were  present. 

One  day  before  his  departure  I  went  to  take  my 

leave.      We  then   had  a  long  conversation,  and  he 

expressed  his  approval  of  the  liqueurs  and  cordials 

that  on   several  occasions  I  had   forwarded.     I  now 

18* 


266  DA,UD   KHAN'S   DEPARTURE 

presented  some  more.  He  gave  me  a  present  of  a 
costly  set  of  robes,  and  of  three  hundred  and  fifty 
rupees.  He  added  that  it  was  only  a  small  sum,  and 
must  be  made  over  to  the  little  children  in  my  house  ; 
and  he  would  not  ask  me  to  accompany  him,  so  as  to 
spare  me  the  fatigue  of  the  march,  I  being  a  man 
already  getting  on  in  years.  He  begged  me  to  con- 
tinue my  friendship  as  before,  and  he  would  never 
forget  me. 

During  the  conversation  a  dispatch-rider  arrived 
from  the  court  with  a  number  of  letters.  Among 
them  was  one  from  Zu,lfiqar  Khan,  of  whom  I  have 
already  spoken.  By  it  he  entrusted  him  with  some 
business,  and  also  in  it  directed  him  to  make  over  to 
me  seven  hundred  rupees  as  a  present.  Da,ud  Khan 
executed  this  second  commission  on  the  spot.  That 
noble  (Zu,lfiqar  Khan)  had  been  condescending 
enough  to  write  to  me  several  times  to  ask  for  some 
lotions  and  medicines,  by  means  of  which  his  wife, 
who  suffered  from  her  eyes,  had  been  cured. 

Da,ud  Khan  started,  and  took  with  him  the  doctor. 
Before  they  left  he  gave  him  one  hundred  and  fifty 
gold  pagodas,  which  comes  to  five  hundred  and  twenty 
rupees  in  silver,  and  a  valuable  set  of  robes. 


MARRIAGE  OF  F.  MARTIN'S  GRANDDAUGHTER 

Two  days  after  the  departure  of  these  French 
captains  the  marriage  took  place  of  the  Lord  Governor 
Martin's  granddaughter  to  Monsieur  Ardancour 
(Hardancourt),  commissary  and  second  councillor. 
A  grand  banquet  was  given,  followed  by  music  and 
dancing,  at  which  were  also  present  the  son  of 
Governor  Ruberto  (Gabriel  Roberts)  of  the  fortress 
of  Tevanapatam,  and  a  councillor  called  Mester  Barlu 
(Mr.  Berleu).  When  the  festivities  were  ended,  they 
returned  to  Tevanapatam,  and  I  in  their  company, 
wishing  to  pay  a  visit  to  Governor  Ruberto  (Roberts), 


F.    MARTIN   ILL  267 

my  old  friend.  This  gentleman  received  me  with 
great  politeness,  and  after  several  healths  were  drunk 
we  had  music  and  dancing. 

In  the  midst  of  this  joyous  intercourse  there  reached 
me,  almost  at  midnight,  a  mounted  orderly  bearing  a 
letter,  which  recalled  me  with  all  urgency  to  Pondi- 
cherry.  I  was  wanted  at  once  to  treat  the  Lord 
Governor  Martin,  who  was  seriously  ill.  Upon 
hearing  this  sad  news  I  and  the  rest  of  the  company 
were  much  pained,  not  merely  at  having  to  break  up 
our  feast,  but  equally  at  learning  of  the  grave  indis- 
position of  an  old  and  affectionate  friend.  At  once  I 
was  given  my  leave  to  depart,  on  condition  of  paying 
another  visit  to  Tevanapatam,  which  I  promised 
to  do. 

I  began  my  journey  at  once,  and  at  break  of  day 
arrived  in  Pondicherry.  I  found  the  good  old  man, 
then  seventy-three  years  of  age,  in  a  high  fever,  with 
pains  in  the  head,  absence  of  sleep,  and  other  symp- 
toms. I  started  on  the  treatment  forthwith,  and  held 
a  consultation  with  the  doctors  of  the  Royal  Com- 
pany, one  of  whom  was  named  Monsieur  Maquari, 
and  the  other  Monsieur  Albert.  By  our  efforts  and 
the  drugs  we  administered  he  was  placed  out  of 
danger,  and  by  dieting  and  care  was  restored  to 
perfect  health. 

Not  to  break  my  word,  and  in  compliance  with  the 
messages  sent  me,  I  went  back  to  Tevanapatam,  to 
the  contentment  of  all  my  friends ;  thence  back  to 
Pondicherry,  and  finally  back  to  my  own  house  in 
Madras.  Here  I  received  news  that  a  Monsieur 
Delavale,  a  married  man  and  resident  of  Juncalam 
(Ujung  Salang),  a  land  belonging  to  the  King  of  Siam, 
had  turned  pirate.  It  is  three  years  ago  that  he 
came  to  Madras  in  the  guise  of  a  merchant.  I  gave 
him  money  to  trade  with,  as  did  many  other  persons 
of  this  settlement.  Having  acquired  enough  money 
and  a  supply  of  goods  in  this  country,  he  left  it. 
To  disabuse  his  creditors  of  any  hope  they  entertained 


268  FRENCH    PIRATES 

of  being  repaid— at  any  rate,  the  capital  amount — he 
captured  an  English  boat  loaded  with  cloth  from 
Bengal,  and  took  its  captain  a  prisoner. 

The  governor  of  the  place  (Ujung  Salang),  on  the 
facts  being  reported,  sent  orders  to  seize  Delavale ; 
but  he  fled,  followed  by  all  his  companions,  taking 
with  him  the  prisoner,  but  abandoning  his  house  and 
wife.  The  governor  of  the  country  took  possession 
of  his  wife  and  of  all  the  merchandise.  Monsieur 
Delavale  sought  refuge  in  another  province  of  the 
same  kingdom,  ruled  over  by  a  man  who  was  an  enemy 
to  the  other  governor.  The  followers  of  this  pirate 
Delavale  are  two  in  number,  one  called  Monsieur 
Masson,  the  other  Monsieur  de  Roubal.  These  events 
have  caused  such  consternation  among  the  merchants, 
that  not  one  of  them  will  venture  on  a  voyage  to  that 
port. 

FAMILY  TROUBLES  OF  A  FRENCH  DOCTOR.     MANUCCI 
CONCERNED 

[A  certain  French  doctor  being  on  bad  terms  with 
his  wife,  she  left  him,  and,  taking  her  youngest  son 
with  her,  fled  to  her  relations  at  Lahor.] 

The  afflicted  surgeon  made  great  efforts  to  recover  his 
little  son,  but  never  succeeded.  The  child's  detainers 
were  too  strongly  protected.  Maria  de  Ataides  taught 
him  in  the  Mahomedan  way,  and  he  learned  to  read  the 
Quran.  The  Maria  de  Ataides  in  question  had  an 
ancient  eunuch  in  her  service  who  directed  her  house- 
hold. He  was  a  very  avaricious  man,  and  advised 
his  mistress  to  kill  her  niece  and  take  possession 
of  her  property.  The  lady,  without  further  con- 
sideration, accepted  the  proposal,  and  gave  her  niece 
poison. 

While  the  niece  was  in  the  throes  of  death,  an  old 
woman-servant  of  hers  came  secretly  to  call  me  in. 
I  started  in  all  haste,  but  did  not  arrive  in  time  to 
be  of  any  use  to  her,  the  whole  of  her  body  having 


MANUCCI   HELPS  THE   PHYSICIAN'S   SON      269 

already  become  black.  Therefore,  when  I  had  enjoined 
her  to  ask  God's  forgiveness,  she  called  upon  the  name 
of  Jesus  as  well  as  she  could,  and  shortly  afterwards 
expired.  When  the  surgeon  heard  of  his  wife's  death 
he  was  quite  happy,  and  over  and  over  again  asked 
the  king  for  leave  to  return  to  his  own  country,  but 
all  in  vain.  Once  more  he  wrote  a  letter  to  Maria  de 
Ataides,  in  which  he  said  she  ought  to  send  back  his 
son  at  once.  If  she  did  not,  he  had  decided  to  make 
the  boy  over  to  Begum  Sahib,  who  would  send  men  to 
seize  him. 

Maria  de  Ataides  was  annoyed  at  this  threat,  and 
was,  in  addition,  afraid  of  some  censure  against  her 
being  issued  by  the  court.  Thus  she  had  the  boy 
circumcised  at  once,  and  continued  his  training  in 
Mahomedan  tenets.  Whenever  I  had  the  opportunity 
I  never  omitted  to  console  the  boy,  to  teach  him,  and 
to  hold  out  hopes  that  his  father  would  still  be  of 
some  benefit  to  him.  Seeing  that  the  youth  received 
consolation  from,  and  believed  in,  my  words,  and 
being  also  anxious  to  deliver  him  from  Mahomedanism, 
I  took  the  liberty  of  saying  to  him  that  if  he  wanted 
to  leave  that  house  and  go  to  his  father,  I  would  help 
him,  and  provide  the  necessary  expenses.  I  knew 
that  his  father  was  waiting  for  him,  and  meant  to 
marry  him  to  the  daughter  of  the  officer  in  command 
of  the  fortress  of  Daman,  who  was  providing  her 
with  a  dowry  of  twenty  thousand  rupees.  To  these 
overtures  the  youth  replied  that  he  would  carry  out 
all  my  orders.  At  once,  and  in  secret,  I  found  four 
guardians  who  could  represent  the  youth  before  the 
courts  if,  upon  obtaining  his  liberty,  he  should  en- 
deavour to  recover  part  of  what  belonged  to  his 
mother.  The  youth  left  the  house  secretly  and  joined 
these  guardians,  who  were  waiting.  They  took  him 
without  delay  to  the  qazVs  court,  a  man  who  was  my 
friend,  and  to  whom  I  had  in  addition  recommended 
this  client's  interests  in  the  shape  of  some  presents  I 
had  given  him. 


270  COUNSELS   OF   NO   AVAIL 

The  guardians'  action  was  such  that  the  boy  Ignatio 
was  restored  to  liberty,  and  recovered  something, 
though  nothing  of  consequence,  out  of  what  had 
belonged  to  his  mother.  This  small  effort  cost  me 
two  thousand  rupees,  which  equals  one  thousand 
patacas.  I  reported  to  his  father,  then  at  the  court  in 
Dihli,  what  had  been  managed,  at  the  same  time  ad- 
vising him  that  as  soon  as  his  son  arrived  he  should 
send  him  into  Portuguese  territory,  so  as  to  be 
protected  from  Mahomedan  outrage. 

When  Ignatio  reached  the  paternal  dwelling  he 
was  very  pleased,  but,  finding  that  his  father  was  not 
sending  him  away  from  Mahomedan  territory,  as  I 
had  suggested,  he  said  to  him  :  "  My  father,  why  do 
you  keep  me  in  the  house  and  do  not  at  once  send  me 
into  Portuguese  territory  ?  Do  you  not  see  that  one 
of  these  days  the  Mahomedans  will  come  to  steal  me?" 
The  ignorant  father  answered  that  he  kept  him  in  his 
house  to  revenge  himself  on  Maria  de  Ataides,  and  to 
be  able  to  recover  the  plunder  that  his  wife  had  robbed 
him  of.  What  an  impossibility  ! 

Thus  my  counsels  were  of  no  use  to  him,  nor  did  in 
aught  avail  the  words  and  repeated  insistence  of  his 
son.  We  shall  see  what  things  came  to  pass.  After 
twelve  days  the  men  of  Maria  de  Ataides  went  to 
Dibit,  and,  asserting  that  the  youth  was  in  his  father's 
house,  they  went  before  the  king,  and  recounted  to 
him  the  above  circumstances.  Forthwith  the  king 
ordered  soldiers  to  be  sent  to  seize  the  youth  and 
bring  him  to  the  presence.  As  soon  as  the  king  saw 
him  he  appointed  him  one  of  his  pages,  with  charge  of 
carrying  his  sword  during  audience,  being  a  well- 
formed  and  graceful  youth.  Then  after  some  years 
he  was  appointed  captain  of  artillery,  and  at  the  present 
time  is  married  and  has  sons  and  daughters. 

The  old  surgeon  stayed  on  at  court  without  obtain- 
ing leave  to  depart.  Then  he  decided  on  flight  from 
Aurangabad  for  Daman.  This  he  managed  to  do,  but 


FATE   OF  THE   FRENCH   PHYSICIAN          271 

the  end  was  not  favourable.  At  the  time  I  arrived  at 
Surat  orders  had  been  received  to  catch  the  surgeon, 
who  had  fled  from  the  court.  He  was  very  easy  to 
recognise,  for  he  bore  a  knife  scar  across  his  face  from 
one  ear  to  the  other,  due  to  a  wound  inflicted  by  one 
of  his  compatriots.  I  was  then  in  Dihlt  newly  from 
Persia.  The  governor,  in  his  attempts  to  find  the 
surgeon,  learnt  that  a  surgeon  (that  being  I)  had  arrived 
from  court. 

At  once  he  sent  off  a  messenger  to  my  house,  who 
informed  me,  on  behalf  of  the  governor,  that  I  must  at 
once  appear  in  his  presence.  At  that  time  I  had  fever, 
and  the  insolent  fellow  (they  are  all  like  that)  would 
not  take  my  excuses,  or  accept  the  complimentary 
message  I  sent  to  the  governor,  whose  name  was 
Cartalapan  (Kar-talab-Khan).  The  man  spoke  with 
great  rudeness,  and  made  as  if  he  meant  to  take  me 
away  by  force.  At  this  movement  I  lost  patience,  and, 
getting  to  my  feet,  gave  him  several  shoe  strokes,  and 
threw  him  downstairs.  Thus,  beaten  as  he  was,  he 
returned  to  the  presence  of  the  governor  with  outcries, 
making  out  a  little  more  than  he  had  suffered.  As  the 
governor  was  a  cautious  man,  he  sent  a  person  of 
standing,  making  over  to  him  a  letter  from  the  court, 
in  which  was  entered  the  mark  on  the  face  as  a  means 
of  recognising  the  surgeon. 

On  his  reaching  my  house,  as  soon  as  I  saw  him  I 
recognised  that  we  were  old  friends.  He  reported  the 
facts  to  the  governor,  and  he  sent  word  to  me  that  as 
soon  as  I  was  well  again  he  would  come  to  see  me. 
Three  days  having  elapsed,  the  fever  left  me,  and  I 
repaired  to  the  governor's.  I  was  well  received  by 
him,  as  he  required  medicines  from  me.  Whilst  we 
were  in  conversation  they  brought  in  the  surgeon. 
He  was  taken  away  that  night  to  another  house,  and 
next  morning  was  sent  back  to  court.  These  events 
took  place  in  1680,  in  the  month  of  September.  In 
1686  the  king  consented  to  his  leaving,  looking  on  him 
as  a  man  already  old  -and  no  longer  of  any  use. 


272  WARNINGS   TO   TRAVELLERS 

This  same  doctor  in  1672  had  another  mishap. 
Being  then,  as  I  have  said,  desirous  of  leaving  for 
Europe,  he  expended  seven  thousand  rupees  on  dia- 
monds. He  showed  his  purchase  to  a  young  man 
who  in  his  wanderings  had  arrived  at  his  house. 
Being  a  fellow-countryman,  he  placed  great  faith  in 
him,  and  never  dreamt  of  his  plotting  treachery  against 
him. 

One  day  when  the  doctor  had  gone  to  make  his 
appearance  at  court,  the  ungrateful  youth  opened  the 
casket  with  a  key  that  he  had  got  made,  and  took  the 
diamonds  and  as  much  money  as  seemed  to  him  neces- 
sary for  expenses.  He  then  fled.  He  might  have 
carried  off  a  great  deal  more  than  he  actually  took,  but 
this  he  refrained  from  doing,  not  wishing  to  carry  such 
a  weight  as  would  hinder  the  celerity  of  his  movements. 
When  the  surgeon  returned  from  the  audience  hall  to 
his  house,  he  perceived  the  loss  he  had  suffered.  By 
much  exertion  he  sent  off  different  persons  in  many 
directions  to  search  for  the  thief.  He  also  wrote  to  the 
(European)  factors  living  at  the  seaports.  But  all  his 
efforts  produced  no  results,  for  never  more  was  that 
young  man  heard  of.  It  may  well  be  that  he  was 
robbed  by  other  thieves  and  his  life  taken,  as  on  many 
occasions  I  have  seen  happen. 

I  pray  the  prudent  reader  not  to  grow  angry  at  such 
advice,  but  if  I  write  it  so  often,  I  do  it  solely  to  warn 
any  inquiring  traveller  who  may  wish  to  wander 
through  the  world,  and  teach  him  at  others'  cost  how 
to  look  after  himself.  In  voyaging  prudence  is  re- 
quired, and,  above  all,  patience,  for  in  most  instances 
it  is  only  through  the  rashness  of  youth  that  such 
difficulties  arise  ;  and  men  are  generally  the  originators 
of  their  own  ruin,  and  may  even  risk  the  loss  of  life. 
The  following  story  may  serve  as  an  example : 

When  I  was  a  youth,  at  the  beginning  of  Aurangzeb's 
reign,  it  was  my  custom  to  go  out  on  Thursdays.  On 
that  day  there  is  a  great  concourse  of  men  and  ladies 
of  the  city  (Dihli)  who  come  out  to  visit  sepulchres  and 


MANUCCI   AS   SWASHBUCKLER  273 

obtain  recreation  in  the  gardens  of  Khwajah  Qutb-ud- 
din,  outside  the  city  of  Dihii — as  I  have  said  before — 
some  to  pray  and  some  to  enjoy  themselves.  I,  too, 
went  to  take  the  air  in  those  gardens.  I  was  also 
curious  to  see  certain  festivals  that  it  is  usual  to  hold 
several  times  in  the  year  in  the  fields  and  gardens,  and 
on  the  banks  of  streams,  reservoirs,  et  cetera. 

While  returning  one  day  from  the  garden  of  Khwajah 
Qutb-ud-dm  on  the  way  to  my  house,  I  saw  a  carriage 
coming  a  long  way  off.  It  withdrew  out  of  the  direct 
road,  and  went  down  into  the  open  fields.  Seeing  this 
manoeuvre,  I  assumed  that  it  had  moved  out  of  the 
highway  for  fear  that  I  might  do  it  some  harm.  I 
knew  that  in  the  carnage  was  a  public  dancing  girl ;  it 
was  surrounded  by  fifteen  pages,  and  followed  by  a 
horseman.  Without  taking  time  to  reflect,  I  turned 
my  steps  with  all  possible  speed  towards  the  carriage, 
shouting  to  it  to  stop.  It  paid  no  attention,  however, 
to  my  voice,  but  went  on  its  way  peacefully. 

Seeing  that  I  was  not  obeyed,  I  decided  to  make  a 
display  of  courage,  so  I  seized  a  stick,  and,  going  up  to 
the  carriage,  gave  the  pages  several  blows.  Seeing 
that  the  game  was  not  a  joke,  these  men  followed  the 
example  of  the  horseman,  abandoned  the  carriage  and 
took  to  their  heels.  At  that  point  I  raised  the  cloth 
that  covered  the  carriage,  and  saw  the  dancer.  I 
gave  her  some  abusive  language,  not  forgetting,  how- 
ever, to  keep  my  eyes  open  to  see  if  succour  was  on 
its  way. 

This  precaution  of  mine  was  not  uncalled  for,  since 
at  this  moment  I  saw  afar  off  a  troop  of  cavalry  coming 
in  my  direction.  I  left  the  carriage  at  once  and  directed 
my  steps  slowly  towards  the  horsemen  in  question, 
while  I  adjusted  my  turban  firmly  on  my  head,  and 
handled  my  sword  to  see  that  it  would  come  easily  out 
of  the  scabbard,  just  as  if  I  was  making  ready  for  a 
fight,  should  I  be  opposed.  During  this  interval  I  had 
drawn  near  the  horsemen,  making  these  preparations 
meanwhile.  They  now  drew  rein  ;  one  of  them,  how- 


274  NOTHING   HAPPENS 

ever,  who  was  in  advance,  came  on  towards  me.  In 
spite  of  having  his  face  half  concealed,  I  could  see  he 
was  a  man  of  some  age.  When  he  was  near  me  he 
spoke  to  me  politely  and  modestly.  However,  I  gave 
no  answer  to  his  words,  and  went  on  my  way  with 
niy  eye  fixed  steadily  on  the  other  horsemen,  who 
were  standing  still.  I  believed  they  meant  to  bar 
my  way.  I  was  greatly  mistaken,  however,  for  on 
my  passing  quite  close  not  a  man  of  them  said  a  thing 
to  me. 

The  following  day  I  made  the  same  excursion, 
taking  my  lance  with  me  this  time.  While  I  was  in  a 
plain  of  some  size  and  fairly  level,  I  saw  the  carriage 
of  the  previous  day  a  little  off  the  road  guarded  by 
some  horsemen.  I  knew  at  once  that  these  were  the 
same  men  as  before.  Nevertheless,  not  to  show  that 
I  had  any  fear  of  them,  I  would  not  retrace  my  steps, 
but  continued  my  journey,  flourishing  my  lance  about 
a  bit,  until  I  was  quite  close  to  them.  Then  the  elderly 
horseman,  with  the  greatest  politeness  and  a  smiling 
face,  asked  the  favour  of  speaking  a  word  with  me. 
Directly  I  heard  the  voice  I  stood  still,  and  turning 
towards  him  the  point  of  my  lance,  I  asked  what  it 
was  he  wanted. 

He  answered  modestly  that  he  was  the  brother  of 
Allahwirdt  Khan,  that  he  had  fallen  in  love  with  this 
dancer,  on  which  account  the  king  had  reduced  his 
high  pay.  Out  of  love  for  her  he  endured  all  this 
hardship,  and  gave  up  everything.  Therefore  he 
asked  me  the  favour  of  permitting  him  to  go  and 
come  freely.  Without  changing  my  position  I 
answered  that  I  granted  what  he  asked,  on  con- 
dition, however,  of  his  throwing  over  the  carriage  a 
scarlet  covering,  so  that  I  might  identify  it.  He 
answered  that  he  would  do  so,  and  went  away  after 
saying  good-bye. 

The  man's  name  was  Mirza  Arjanj,  brother  of  that 
Allahwirdi  Khan  who  betrayed  Prince  Shah  Shuja' 
when  he  delivered  battle  against  Aurangzeb,  as  will 


YOUTHFUL  ESCAPADES  275 

have  been  seen  already  in  my  First  Part.  This  Mirza 
Arjanj,  being  resolute  in  not  giving  up  the  said  dancer, 
was  content  that  the  king  should  take  away  two 
hundred  horses  from  his  command,  and  leave  him  only 
ten,  with  twelve  thousand  rupees  of  yearly  pay.  He 
endeavoured  to  become  friendly  with  me,  but  I 
declined  to  waste  my  time  on  him  or  put  any  trust 
in  him. 

One  day,  while  I  was  out  on  one  of  the  above 
excursions,  I  amused  myself  in  those  gardens  for 
longer  than  usual,  and  night  came  on  before  I  had 
half  completed  my  journey.  By  the  light  of  the  moon, 
which  was  now  very  bright,  I  observed  coming  to- 
wards me  some  strings  of  camels  and  oxen  laden  with 
goods,  guarded  by  mounted  soldiers.  To  afford 
myself  a  bit  of  a  game,  I  drew  my  sword  and  charged 
them,  with  shouts  of  "  Mora,  mora  !  "  (Maro,  Maro  ! 
("  Strike,  strike  !  ")  On  hearing  my  cries,  all  the  men 
fled  and  abandoned  the  animals.  When  I  had  arrived 
quite  close,  and  found  there  was  no  one  there,  I  rode 
my  horse  in  all  directions,  crying  out  that  I  was  only 
joking.  Moreover,  I  was  no  thief,  therefore  let  them 
return  and  look  after  their  animals.  My  voice  was 
given  to  the  winds,  since  no  one  appeared.  I  resumed 
my  journey  and  made  for  my  house.  Afterwards  I 
learnt  that  it  was  the  baggage  of  a  viceroy,  who  was 
proceeding  to  his  government  of  the  province  of 
Ajmer ;  but  no  one  over  found  out  that  it  was  I  who 
had  caused  the  stampede. 

It  is  the  custom  in  the  Mogul  country  for  the  royal 
elephants,  whether  those  meant  for  war  or  those 
which  fight  before  the  king,  to  be  kept  outside  the 
city  near  the  gardens.  They  stand  in  a  field  below 
some  trees,  they  are  bound  with  heavy  chains,  and 
their  keepers  live  with  them.  I  once  went  at  night  to 
tease  these  animals  with  fireworks.  They  broke  their 
chains  and  rushed  wildly  over  the  fields,  doing  a  great 
deal  of  damage.  Next  I  received  word  that  some 
cavalry  soldiers  had  been  posted  on  guard  to  seize 


276    MANUCCI'S  HOUSE  AT  BIG  MOUNT  ATTACKED 

the  insolent  intruder ;  thus  I  forbore  to  molest  the 
elephants  any  more.  Just  let  the  judicious  reader 
imagine  what  would  have  been  my  punishment  had  I 
been  taken,  and  into  what  disgrace  I  should  have 
fallen.  To-day,  although  now  in  old  age,  when  I 
remember  this  and  other  similar  escapades  I  com- 
mitted, I  never  fail  to  sigh  over  them  and  grieve  at  m}' 
misdeeds. 

I  must  not  forget  to  tell  what  happened  to  me  on 
the  day  of  the  Virgin's  Feast — that  is,  on  December  18, 
1705.  It  was  at  Monte  Grande  (Big  Mount)  at  three 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  I  was  in  the  middle  of 
entertaining  several  guests,  who  on  that  day  never 
fail  to  appear,  for  a  great  crowd  assembles  there  for 
this  solemnity. 

While  I  was  in  the  middle  of  conversation  with  my 
friends,  men  of  different  nations,  I  noticed  that  a 
serious  dispute  was  going  on  at  my  gate.  My  servants 
were  hindering  the  entrance  of  certain  audacious 
persons  who  wanted  to  come  in  by  force.  I,  too, 
proceeded  to  the  spot.  Although  I  saw  they  did  not 
mean  to  listen  to  argument,  all  the  same  I  attempted 
to  prevent  any  violence,  but  quite  in  vain.  The 
insolent  fellows  persisted  in  their  attack,  but  were 
finally  put  to  flight. 

There  remained  in  our  hands  the  captain  of  the 
men  ;  he  was  a  Brahman  officer,  who  ruled  over  some 
villages  not  far  from  Big  Mount.  He  was  drunk.  1 
ordered  the  man  to  be  tied  to  a  tree  over  against  my 
gate,  and  he  received  a  good  thrashing.  He  was  then 
taken  before  the  Mahomedan  governor  (faujdar) 
Mulla  Murad,  in  San  Thome.  He  is  the  present 
governor  of  the  territory,  and  is  a  nominee  of  the 
great  diwan  and  minister  of  the  Karnatik. 

When  the  captive  reached  tfiefattjddr's,  the  principal 
officers  and  some  of  his  relations  presented  themselves. 
They  tried  hard  to  throw  the  whole  blame  of  the 
misdeed  upon  me,  and  they  accused  me  as  the  culprit. 
Some  of  the  Mahomedan  officials  supported  their 


MANUCCI   AND  SHAH   'ALAM  277 

contentions.  The  judicious  governor  was  not  taken 
in  by  these  fabrications,  but  on  dismissing  my  servants 
he  sent  me  a  letter  full  of  ceremonious  expressions. 
He  paid  no  heed  to  the  contrary  suggestions  of  the 
Brahmans,  my  enemies. 

Perhaps  he  had  doubts  that  if  he  had  acted  other- 
wise he  would  be  either  reproved  from  court  or  dis- 
missed from  his  office.  He  knew  very  well  that  the 
chief  ministers  were  my  friends.  The  man  who  has 
no  friends  in  these  lands  is  nowadays  despised,  and  it 
is  of  no  use  for  him  to  be  in  the  right. 

As  it  seems  to  me,  I  have  not  explained  in  detail 
the  way  in  which  I  was  treated  when  in  the  service 
of  the  Prince  Shah  'Alam.  Now,  to  demonstrate  once 
more  their  policy,  their  style  of  government,  and  the 
mode  in  which  their  business  is  done,  also  how  much 
the  ladies  at  this  court  can  accomplish,  I  will  resume 
the  subject.  By  this  means  the  reader  will  learn  what 
is  the  value  of  friends  upon  occasion. 

There  was  at  the  court  of  the  Prince  Shah  'Alam 
a  European  blood-letter  who,  when  he  entered  the 
service,  was  granted  two  rupees  a  day.  This  was 
done  by  the  influence  of  the  chief  physician,  Muhammad 
Muqfm,  of  whom  I  failed  not  to  speak  on  other  occa- 
sions. The  blood-letter,  finding  the  prince  had  a  good 
opinion  of  him,  and  having  by  this  time  acquired  a 
little  money,  made  a  most  unreasonable  demand  from 
the  prince  to  the  detriment  of  the  said  physician.  He 
said  to  the  prince  that  Muhammad  Muqim  had  an 
annual  salary  of  over  one  hundred  thousand  rupees, 
besides  the  other  great  profits  that  he  received.  But 
Muqfm  was  not  any  wiser  than  he,  the  European, 
was,  and  therefore  he,  too,  was  worth  quite  as  much 
pay.  The  prince,  upon  hearing  this  preposterous 
claim,  was  much  put  out,  but  concealed  the  fact,  and 
gave  not  a  word  of  reply.  The  physician  Muhammad 
Muqfm  heard  of  the  affair  by  means  of  his  friends. 
He  was  much  annoyed,  but  made  no  sign,  and  did  not 
betray  his  feelings  in  the  least. 


278         MANUCCI  AND   MUHAMMAD   MUQlM 

I  had  already  been  known  in  the  empire  for  many 
years  when  I  reached  the  court  after  the  heavy  loss 
of  money  in  Portuguese  territory  of  which  I  have 
already  spoken.  I  was  then  much  in  need  of  money 
for  my  support.  As  soon  as  my  arrival  was  heard 
of,  I  was  at  once  invited  by  the  prince  and  several 
of  his  princesses  to  accept  service  with  him.  The 
message  was  conveyed  to  me  through  a  eunuch 
of  some  standing  named  Meccaian  (?  Miskin).  To 
this  proposal  I  replied  that  I  would  be  really  glad 
to  accept  the  honour  done  to  me  by  His  Highness, 
but  I  must  decline  to  accept  his  service  unless 
the  physician,  Muhammad  Muqfm,  conducted  the 
negotiations  with  me.  Thereupon  it  was  at  once 
ordered  that  he  should  present  me  to  the  prince,  as 
is  the  custom. 

At  this  time  Shah  'Alam  was  making  his  prepara- 
tions for  starting  to  take  charge  of  the  Dakhin.  The 
physician  Muhammad  Muqim,  remembering  what  the 
European  blood-letter  had  done  to  him,  feared  the 
same  conduct  from  me  also.  He  further  reflected 
that  I  had  cured  several  persons  of  quality  whom  he 
had  given  up  as  beyond  hope,  whence  he  was  afraid 
he  might  lose  his  reputation  and  be  ejected  from  the 
service.  Thus,  in  spite  of  his  promises,  he  took  no 
steps  to  push  my  interests. 

The  leading  princess,  as  a  sign  of  her  affection  for 
me,  sent  me  food  daily,  and  made  me  presents  of 
different  kinds  of  fruit.  Seeing  that  the  date  of  depar- 
ture was  close  at  hand,  she  asked  my  permission  to 
deal  herself  with  the  prince  on  my  behalf,  since  the 
physician  had  done  nothing.  Before  this,  I  had  re- 
quested her  not  to  speak  on  the  subject.  My  reply  to 
her  now  was,  that  I  begged  as  a  favour  she  would 
not  speak  to  the  prince  on  the  subject,  as  I  had  left 
it  to  the  discretion  of  the  physician.  This  I  said  in 
spite  of  my  being  in  great  straits  from  the  want  of 
money,  and  my  sufferings  from  the  persecutions  of 
my  adversaries,  the  aforesaid  (European)  blood-letter 


MANUCCI  HIDES  HIMSELF  379 

(of  the  prince)  and  the  (European)  surgeon  of  the 
king,  of  whom  I  have  spoken  above.  I  stood  strong 
and  firm  in  my  decision  in  order  to  prove  to  the 
physician,  Muhammad  Muqim,  and  those  others,  the 
vast  difference  there  was  between  one  person  and 
another,  and  that  he  might  see  my  upright  modes 
of  action. 

I  held  my  tongue  for  several  days,  looking  out  for 
some  movement  on  the  physician's  part.  Finally, 
seeing  that  he  was  not  forwarding  my  interests,  in 
spite  of  his  making  a  great  show  of  wishing  me  well, 
I  left  the  court,  gave  up  my  house,  and  took  refuge  in 
the  house  of  a  friend  named  Luis  Gonzalves,  intending 
subsequently  to  remove  to  the  city  of  Lahor,  where  I 
had  lived  for  a  number  of  years.  On  the  day  that 
I  disappeared  the  princess  as  usual  sent  me  some 
gifts  of  food.  When  it  was  reported  to  her  that  I 
had  gone,  and  it  was  not  known  where  (the  news 
reached  her  rather  late)  she  was  much  grieved.  She 
shut  herself  up  in  her  room,  and  would  not  go  to 
the  garden  to  join  the  prince  as  was  her  custom. 
He  passed  his  time  there  listening  to  music  and  other 
pastimes. 

The  prince  noticed  the  absence  of  the  princess. 
Not  aware  of  the  cause,  he  sent  to  invite  her,  letting 
her  know  that  he  was  waiting  in  the  garden  most 
impatiently,  for  without  her  there  could  be  no  joy. 
The  princess,  aware  of  the  great  love  the  prince  bore 
to  her,  sent  back  to  say  that  she  had  been  kept  awake 
and  troubled  by  a  slight  ailment ;  would  he,  therefore, 
excuse  her  for  that  day?  Hardly  had  the  news 
reached  the  prince's  ear,  than  he  quitted  the  entertain- 
ment, and  with  all  possible  haste  made  for  her  apart- 
ments. He  saw  she  had  nothing  the  matter  beyond 
being  in  low  spirits,  so  he  pressed  her  to  tell  him  the 
cause  of  her  melancholy. 

But  the  princess  in  a  graceful  way  made  excuses, 
just  exactly  as  ladies  do  when  they  are  intent  on 
having  their  own  way.  Finally,  being  forced  into 


28o  SEARCH   FOR  MANUCCI 

consenting  to  explain  her  ill-humour,  she  said  it  all 
sprang  from  the  thought  that  His  Highness  did  not 
love  her  to  the  extent  that  he  asserted  ;  because,  if  his 
love  were  really  such,  he  would  not  have  neglected  to 
entertain  at  court,  and  taken  into  his  service,  the 
physician  Manuchi,  a  man  who  knew  her  constitution, 
a  man  who  had  nursed  her  as  a  little  child  in  his 
arms. 

Taking  her  by  the  hand,  to  these  words  the  prince 
replied  that  when  morning  came  he  would  send  in 
search  of  me,  and  pledged  his  word  of  honour  that  he 
would  do  so.  Women  can  do  much,  and  demand  a 
good  deal  as  soon  as  they  perceive  that  they  are  held 
in  estimation.  On  this  occasion,  that  was  how  the 
princess  acted  ;  therefore  she  replied  to  the  prince  that 
that  very  moment  he  must  write  an  order  to  the 
principal  eunuch,  Nazir  Daulat,  directing  him  to  send 
off  a  troop  of  soldiers,  who  at  the  time  were  on  guard, 
to  trace  me  out.  Prince  Shah  'Alam  gave  way  to  the 
wishes  of  the  princess,  and  the  soldiers,  rushing  about 
all  night,  made  a  fruitless  search  for  me. 

However,  they  came  in  the  end  to  know  that  if  I 
were  in  any  place  in  the  suburbs  of  the  city,  1  should 
not  be  found  anywhere  else  than  at  the  king's  artillery 
park,  in  the  house  of  my  great  friend,  Luis  Gonzalves. 
In  fact,  when  it  was  already  full  daylight,  being  seated 
in  the  garden,  I  observed  one  of  the  prince's  guard 
thrusting  his  head  in  at  the  door,  but  as  soon  as  he 
saw  me  he  withdrew  it  at  once.  Having  seen  this 
man,  I  was  a  little  reassured,  guessing  what  it  might 
be  for,  when  in  a  moment  or  two  there  entered  twelve 
troopers  in  the  highest  glee.  They  treated  me  most 
ceremoniously,  and  in  a  few  words  conveyed  to  me 
that  the  prince  was  waiting  for  me,  and  I  must  start 
quickly. 

At  these  words  I  pretended  to  turn  a  little  uneasy, 
as  if  they  had  need  of  me  for  some  case  of  illness. 
They  assured  me  that  everybody  was  in  good  health, 
and  I  was  sent  for  solely  with  a  view  to  do  me  honour. 


FRIENDS  AT  COURT  281 

The  men  urged  me  to  start,  and,  to  tell  the  truth,  I  was 
extremely  eager  myself,  yet  concealed  it,  and  gave 
signs  of  the  exact  contrary  of  what  I  desired.  I  told 
them  to  let  me  go  to  sleep,  during  which  time  they, 
too,  could  sit  down  and  rest.  To  sum  up,  we  began 
our  journey  about  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning. 

Meanwhile,  let  us  look  at  what  was  going  on  about 
me  at  the  court.  By  this  time  the  princess  had  given 
up  hoping  for  my  return,  and  carried  her  lamentations 
to  the  prince.  Shah  'Alam  went  forth  to  hold  audience, 
and  asked  his  chief  minister  and  counsellor,  Casmir 
(Qazi  Mir),  where  Manucci  had  gone  to.  The  Qazi, 
knowing  nothing  about  my  disappearance,  replied  that 
I  was  in  the  city.  Shah  'Alam  then  ordered  him  to 
include  me  among  the  servants  of  His  Highness.  Upon 
receipt  of  this  order,  Qazi  Mir  suggested  that  Manucci 
had  heavy  expenses ;  it  was  therefore  necessary  to 
give  him  an  honourable  rate  of  pay.  The  prince 
thought  over  this  for  a  little,  and  then  instructed  him 
that  he  should  give  me  seven  rupees  a  day,  the  sum 
that  his  blood-letter  had  received.  My  friend  Qazi 
Mir  put  on  a  dejected  air,  and  made  this  suggestion  : 
"  Your  Highness  ought  to  know  that  the  father  of 
your  blood-letter  was  barber  to  the  father  of  Manucci ; 
thus  he  would  never  accept  that  rate  of  pay." 

At  these  words,  another  friend  of  mine  who  was 
present,  named  Mirecautaula,  came  forward  three 
paces,  and,  making  obeisance,  said,  "  If  Your  Highness 
permits  me  to  speak,  I  will  inform  him  of  what  I 
know  about  Manucci."  The  prince  turned  his  eyes  in 
his  direction,  and  with  a  smiling  face  said  he  might 
speak.  Mirecautaula  then  started  :  "  Does  Your  High- 
ness know  that  Nawab  Mahabat  Khan  offered  him 
through  me  three  hundred  rupees  a  month,  with  a 
palanquin,  robes,  and  food,  yet  Manucci  would  not 
enter  his  service  ?  "  Having  said  this  much,  he  bowed 
and  returned  to  his  place.  The  prince  asked  him 
whether,  if  he  were  to  offer  me  three  hundred  rupees 
a  month,  create  me  man$abdar  (noble)  of  the  court, 
19* 


*8*  A  GOOD  APPOINTMENT 

would  I  accept?  Mirecautaula  replied:  "Maybe  he 
will  agree,  this  being  a  royal  establishment."  The 
prince  ordered  Qazi  Mir  to  settle  with  me,  and  obtain 
my  consent.  This  is  the  way  they  are  accustomed  to 
act  in  this  court  when  they  want  to  give  a  helping 
hand  to  anyone. 

While  this  was  in  progress,  I  arrived  at  the  house  of 
my  friend,  Qazi  Mir,  not  far  from  the  court.  He  was 
not  long  in  making  his  appearance.  As  he  was 
coming  in  at  the  door,  I  went  to  meet  him  with  the 
usual  compliments,  but  with  a  very  long  face,  in  spite 
of  my  knowing  all  that  had  taken  place.  The  moment 
he  saw  me  he  put  his  hands  to  his  sides,  halted,  and 
showed  all  the  signs  of  being  quite  worn  out,  telling 
me  :  "  To-day  I  laboured  in  a  cause  which  very  seldom 
is  carried  to  success  in  the  Mogul  court ;  you  are 
already  made  a  servant  of  the  Prince  Shah  'Alam,  and 
have  as  pay  three  hundred  rupees  a  month,  and  in 
addition  you  are  a  noble  of  the  court." 

With  a  humble  countenance,  making  an  obeisance,  I 
rendered  him  sincere  asseverations  of  my  gratitude. 
But  Qazi  Mir,  observing  that  I  had  not  changed  my 
expression  one  little  bit,  nor  shown  any  sign  of 
gladness,  came  to  the  conclusion  that  I  was  dis- 
satisfied. Therefore,  coming  closer  to  me,  he 
suggested  that  for  the  time  being  I  ought  to  accept  the 
pay  that  had  been  fixed.  He  could  assure  me  it  would 
very  soon  be  increased,  and  this  he  repeated  at  least 
twice. 

Discovering  by  these  remarks  that  he  had  not 
perceived  that  I  was  more  than  content,  in  order  to 
let  him  see  the  truth,  I  drew  back  one  pace,  and 
lifting  my  head  and  my  voice,  I  said :  "  I  accept  with 
all  goodwill  the  honour  that,  through  your  mediation, 
His  Highness  has  done  me,  and  I  live  in  the  hope  of 
receiving  through  your  protection  still  greater."  Thus 
did  I  reassure  Qazi  Mir,  and  inform  him  that  I  was 
satisfied.  Embracing  me,  he  took  me  by  the  hand  and 
led  me  into  the  house.  We  had  dinner  together,  then 


ROYAL   BLOOD-LETTING  283 

he  presented  me  with  a  horse  (which  I  was  much  in 
want  of)  and  a  valuable  set  of  robes,  thereupon  I 
returned  to  my  own  house. 

As  soon  as  I  reached  my  house,  the  princess  sent  me 
her  usual  gift  of  food,  together  with  a  thousand  rupees, 
giving  me  to  understand  that  this  money  should  serve 
as  a  help  for  the  expenses  I  might  have  to  incur  in 
connection  with  the  ensuing  march,  which  was  to  begin 
a  few  days  afterwards. 

The  eunuch  Nazir  Daulat  sent  a  man  to  call  me, 
whereupon  I  paid  him  a  visit  and  sat  down  in  his 
presence.  On  seeing  me  he  shook  his  head  and  said  : 
11  You  are  the  man  who  had  the  royal  gates  opened  at 
unsanctioned  hours,  a  thing  never  allowed  in  the  royal 
palace."  I  replied  that  to  have  the  royal  gateway 
opened  at  that  hour  was  due  to  the  generosity  of  His 
Highness,  who  desired  to  favour  a  foreigner. 

This  man  (Daulat)  was  a  great  friend  of  mine,  as  I 
experienced  on  many  necessary  occasions,  as  will  have 
been  seen.  In  opposition  to  the  habits  of  his  class,  he 
was  of  a  good  disposition,  and  very  liberal.  He  had 
sixty  horses  in  his  stalls,  and  sixty  camels  loaded  with 
pieces  of  cloth  and  other  valuables.  His  tent  was  like 
a  general's,  and  in  his  suite  were  noble  horsemen.  He 
was  much  esteemed  at  the  court  because  he  behaved 
prudently ;  his  income  was  very  large,  owing  to  the 
offices  he  held,  and  his  words  were  listened  to  by  the 
prince. 

I  likewise  give  an  account  of  the  manner  in  which  it 
is  usual  to  bleed  the  princes,  at  what  seasons  it  is 
done,  and  what  happened  to  me  on  such  occasions. 

Ordinarily  the  princes  and  princesses  have  them- 
selves bled  twice  in  the  month  of  March,  and  the 
interval  between  the  two  bleedings  does  not  exceed 
twenty-four  hours.  The  operation  is  begun  half  an 
hour  before  the  setting  of  the  sun.  Three  days  after- 
wards they  take  a  purge ;  but  if  necessity  demands  a 
shorter  interval  they  do  not  wait  the  three  days,  but 
are  governed  by  the  requirements  of  the  case.  In 


284  ROYAL   BLOOD-LETTING 

the  month  of  September  the  same  procedure  is  re- 
peated. 

The  first  time  that  Shah  'Alam  had  blood  let  by  me 
I  was  summoned  to  the  Maal  (mahat),  which  means 
the  palace,  and  went  into  the  saral  (sarde)—  that  is, 
seraglio.  He  showed  me  his  arm,  inquiring  if  his 
veins  were  visible,  and  asked  if  I  should  give  him  any 
pain  when  I  drew  the  blood.  When  I  heard  this 
question,  I  took  hold  of  his  arm,  and  looking  at  it, 
said  without  a  pause  that  the  vein  could  be  opened 
without  the  least  difficulty,  and  he  would  be  quite 
satisfied.  I  quickly  tied  his  arm  with  a  bandage  of 
fine  broad  cloth  without  stretching  the  skin  very 
much.  As  I  took  up  my  lancet  to  make  the  incision, 
he  stopped  me,  and  said  I  ought  to  stretch  and  rub 
the  arm  well,  as  other  blood-letters  did.  I  answered 
that  His  Highness  need  not  be  alarmed,  that  I  knew 
what  I  was  doing. 

I  took  hold  of  the  arm  again  and  at  once  made  the 
incision,  opening  the  vein  without  going  so  deep  as 
other  practitioners  do,  by  which  practice  some  days 
must  be  passed  without  being  able  to  move  the  arm. 
What  1  noticed  on  this  occasion  was  that  the  prince 
betrayed  signs  of  fear,  turning  away  his  face  until  the 
blood  had  been  taken.  It  is  customary  to  keep  ready 
for  these  occasions  a  set  of  silver  scales  and  weights ; 
the  basin  for  receiving  the  blood  is  also  of  silver. 

On  the  ground  is  spread  a  large  sheet,  in  order  not 
to  dirty  the  carpets  and  floor-cloths ;  over  the  body  of 
the  prince  is  cast  another  sheet,  somewhat  smaller. 
All  the  princes  are  present  at  the  operation,  as  also 
the  principal  eunuch,  and  some  under-eunuchs  who 
act  as  attendants.  It  is  the  business  of  one  of  these 
to  throw  a  little  charcoal  into  the  blood  that  is 
collected  from  the  vein,  also  a  little  bit  of  iron,  some 
small  coin,  and  a  few  grains  of  raisins  for  the  preser- 
vation of  the  blood.  After  all  these  ceremonies  they 
bury  the  blood  in  the  garden,  also  performing  other 
customary  superstitious  observances.  When  the 


MANUCCI'S  OFFENDED   DIGNITY  285 

incision  is  made  all  those  who  are  present  make 
profound  bows,  adding  the  words :  "  May  the  blood- 
letting be  to  your  benefit."  The  same  ceremonial  is 
followed  in  the  case  of  a  princess. 

As  soon  as  the  surgeon  has  left  the  room  alms  are 
distributed.  When  I  had  finished  the  blood-letting 
the  prince  ordered  them  to  give  me  four  hundred 
rupees.  At  the  time  of  my  reaching  the  gate  a  eunuch 
handed  me  the  said  money  on  a  salver,  telling  me  it 
was  proper  for  me  to  make  a  bow  with  my  face  turned 
towards  the  palace.  I  did  so,  according  to  the  custom 
of  this  court. 

When  I  gave  an  order  to  my  servant  to  take  charge 
of  the  said  rupees,  the  insolent  eunuch  said  to  me,  "  It 
seems  to  me  you  could  never  have  had  as  much  money 
in  all  your  life."  At  once  I  took  the  salver  and  emptied 
out  on  the  ground  all  the  money  in  it  in  the  presence 
of  the  gate-keepers,  telling  them  I  made  them  a  present 
of  it.  Then  I  turned  to  the  eunuch  :  "  Do  you  not 
know  that  I  am  the  son  of  the  chief  physician  of  the 
King  of  Spain,  who  is  lord  over  half  the  world  and 
owns  the  mines  of  silver  ?  My  father,  being  tired  and 
in  a  hurry,  on  one  occasion  missed  the  vein ;  but, 
seeing  that  the  king  required  to  be  bled,  he  made 
another  stroke,  and  hit  the  right  place.  In  spite  of 
this  my  father  was  so  sorrowful  for  the  error  he  had 
committed  that  the  consolation  .offered  by  the  king 
had  no  effect  on  him.  Therefore,  out  of  the  love  he 
bore  him,  and  in  the  hope  of  restoring  him  to 
happiness,  the  king  gave  him  a  town  as  large  as  the 
town  of  Sihrind,  together  with  a  galleon  laden  with 
silver,  which  had  just  reached  the  port  of  Cadiz.  Out 
of  these  revenues  and  moneys  my  father  sends  me 
twenty-four  thousand  rupees  for  my  expenses,  since 
the  pay  I  receive  from  this  court  barely  suffices  for  the 
expenditure  in  my  kitchen." 

All  this  I  did  and  said  solely  to  the  end  that  it 
should  not  be  thought  that  I  was  needy,  and  also  to 
let  them  know  my  lofty  way  of  looking  at  things.  My 


286  ACCIDENT  ATTRIBUTED  TO   SKILL 

prince,  when  he  knew  what  had  happened,  said  that  he 
felt  I  must  have  been  brought  up  in  the  midst  of 
riches.  He  sent  me  the  money  over  again,  recovering 
it  from  the  porters,  and  added  to  it  a  valuable  set  of 
robes  and  a  fine  horse.  He  said  he  must  maintain  the 
customs  of  his  court,  but  without  my  being  sub- 
ordinat£  to  anyone,  and  that  I  should  have  entire 
liberty. 

Another  mysterious  thing  happened  to  me  when 
first  I  drew  blood  from  the  wife  of  the  prince,  called 
Nurnixam  (Nur-un-nissa)  Begam.  The  lady  thrust 
her  arm  out  from  the  curtain,  as  is  the  custom,  and, 
holding  my  lancet,  I  moved  forward  to  open  the  basilic 
vein.  I  was  still  at  a  distance  of  six  inches  from  the 
arm,  when  suddenly  the  princess  turned  round  and 
threw  up  her  arm  violently  towards  the  lancet — I 
know  not  whether  through  fear,  or  simply  in  changing 
the  position  of  her  body.  The  instrument  went  into 
the  basilic  vein,  and  blood  flowed. 

The  prince,  who  was  present,  patted  me  with  his 
hands  on  the  shoulders  (a  sign  of  pleasure),  and 
applauded  my  ability  in  having  opened  so  skilfully 
so  difficult  a  vein  as  the  basilic.  At  this  unrehearsed 
success  I  cannot  tell  you  how  I  felt.  Pallor  spread 
over  my  countenance  at  the  thought  that  all  that 
portion  of  the  lancet  which  projected  from  my  finger- 
ends  had  entered  the  basilic  vein,  and  might  cut  the 
artery.  Having  this  in  my  mind,  I  stood  watching 
the  blood  flow  with  no  little  apprehension.  However, 
when  four  ounces  had  been  lost,  I  noticed  that  I  had 
not  in  any  way  touched  the  artery ;  on  the  contrary,  I 
had  struck  exactly  on  the  basilic,  and  thus  I  was 
reassured  without  having  betrayed  my  concern. 

The  princes  who  were  in  attendance,  although  they 
had  observed  the  difference  ol  method  in  this  extrac- 
tion of  blood,  nevertheless  did  not  attribute  it  to 
accident,  but  to  the  dexterity  of  my  hand,  and  as  such 
they  spread  it  abroad,  talking  me  up  as  a  great  master 
of  surgery,  although  it  was  really  an  accident.  In 


A.   LEGRENZI,   PHYSICIAN  287 

this  way  I  left  the  court,  after  obtaining  great  honour 
and  valuable  gifts,  in  addition  to  being  praised  by 
everybody. 

I  have  already  spoken  of  the  Persian  physicians, 
and  of  their  inability  to  believe  or  admit  that  European 
doctors  are  acquainted  with  medicine,  but  I  will  insert, 
nevertheless,  an  instance  that  occurred  in  1679. 

While  I  was  at  the  court  of  Shah  'Alam  in  ^Vuran- 
gabad,  there  arrived  a  Venetian  physician  named 
Angelo  Legrenzi.  He  came  from  Aleppo,  having 
quitted  the  service  of  the  Most  Serene  Republic,  and 
at  the  age  of  thirty-five  had  set  out  in  search  of  fresh 
fortunes.  He  had  thought  out  various  ideas,  and 
collected  in  his  head  many  thoughts. 

He  came  to  see  me,  and  delivered  to  me  a  letter  of 
recommendation  from  the  Reverend  Father  Era  Ivo, 
Capuchin,  of  Surat.  I  received  him  with  every  civility, 
making  an  offer  to  him  of  a  share  in  my  house, 
including  a  companion  of  his  called  Signor  Protazio, 
a  German  gentleman.  I  was  highly  delighted  at  his 
arrival,  in  the  hope  of  ridding  myself  of  several 
patients,  who  all  day  long  came  in  search  of  me 
personally.  Forthwith  I  gave  him  out  to  be  my  rela- 
tion, in  order  to  obtain  him  more  respect.  I  took  him 
to  the  presence  of  the  chief  physician,  Mamed  Muquin 
(Muhammad  Muqim),  of  whom  I  have  already  spoken, 
with  the  object  of  getting  him,  too,  entry  to  the  court, 
with  handsome  pay  from  the  prince,  and  thereby 
prevent  any  hindrance  to  his  practising.  The  chief 
physician  promised  me  the  new-comer  should  have  a 
place,  but  patience  was  required. 

The  worthy  patrician,  seeing  how  well  I  was 
treated,  was  full  of  joy,  but  would  not  comply  with  my 
advice.  He  showed  he  was  in  too  great  a  hurry  to 
enter  the  prince's  service  and  draw  his  pay.  As  a 
proof  of  his  ability,  and  that  he  was  not  a  surgeon, 
but  a  physician,  he  prepared  a  pamphlet,  in  which  he 
discoursed  on  the  four  principal  fevers,  of  their  causes, 
and  the  remedies  for  driving  them  away.  Seeing  that 


288  A.   LEGRENZI,   PHYSICIAN  (1679) 

he  had  little  confidence  in  my  word,  and  none  at  all  in 
that  of  other  friends,  I  took  him  with  me  to  the  said 
chief  physician;  Legrenzi  presented  the  pamphlet, 
and  its  contents  were  explained. 

Muhammad  Muqfm,  while  listening  to  this  talk, 
seemed  pleased  and  contented,  and  by  his  face 
indicated  that  he  approved  of  such  good  arguments. 
On  his  side  Legrenzi  was  equally  satisfied,  in  the 
belief  that  he  had  done  rather  well  by  presenting  his 
work,  which  would  cause  him  to  be  valued  at  the 
court.  Knowing  the  contrary,  I  said  to  him  how 
much  I  should  rejoice  if  he  met  with  success.  At  the 
time  of  saying  good-bye  the  chief  physician  said  to 
him  that  he  could  repeat  his  visit  to  the  court. 

I  continued  to  aid  him  with  a  horse  and  servants, 
who  every  day  attended  to  him,  for  the  chief  physician 
lived  over  half  a  league  from  my  house.  This  going 
and  coming  lasted  for  over  half  a  year  without  the 
chief  physician  making  over  to  him  any  patient,  or 
speaking  any  more  to  him.  Our  patrician  did  not 
perceive  what  it  meant.  Finally,  one  day,  to  undeceive 
him,  Muhammad  Muqim  ordered  one  of  his  servants, 
an  Armenian,  called  Joseph,  who  acted  as  interpreter, 
to  sit  down  near  him. 

Our  patrician  was  offended  at  this  act,  and  on  his 
return  home  he  reported  it  to  me.  I  did  not  know 
what  else  to  say  to  him  than  that  we  must  have 
patience.  The  following  day  he  went  back  to  the 
court,  and  wasted  his  time  seated  there  for  over  three 
hours.  Finally  the  chief  physician  accosted  him  by 
asking  him  whether  he  knew  what  thing  God  was. 
At  such  a  demand  Legrenzi  was  stupefied,  and  made 
no  sort  of  answer.  By  this  request  he  understood 
that  he  had  received  his  dismissal,  and  his  joy  was 
turned  into  sadness.  Thus  he  went  back  the  way  he 
came  with  .lamentations  over  his  strange  fate.  He 
was  well  received,  and  appointed  again  to  the  place 
that  he  had  quitted.  Mr.  Protazio  remained  with  me, 
having  no  money  to  pay  for  his  journey.  After  a 


DEATH  OF  MANUCCFS  WIFE  289 

year,  however,  he  started,  and  I  helped  him  so  far 
as  1  could,  and  I  heard  no  more  of  him. 

I  now  state  what  happened  to  me.  On  December 
15,  in  the  year  1706,  it  was  the  pleasure  of  the  Divine 
Power  to  remove  from  this  world  my  wife,  with 
whom  I  had  lived  more  than  twenty  years.  The 
grief  I  underwent  at  that  melancholy  moment  I 
neither  know  how  to,  nor  ought  I  to,  recount.  All 
I  will  say  is  that  it  was  the  more  profound  for  never 
having  been  experienced  before.  But,  just  as  it 
appears  to  be  the  way  of  the  world  that  sad  events 
always  come  in  company,  and  are  never  solitary,  on 
the  2Qth  of  the  same  month  Monsieur  Martin  died ; 
he  was  the  Governor  of  Pondicherry,  nowadays 
called  Fort  St.  Louis.  By  this  second  death  I  was 
plunged  into  nearly  the  same  grief.  He  had  been 
very  much  my  friend,  my  true  and  ancient  friend, 
and  I  had  received  from  him  great — very  great — 
kindness,  civility,  and  honour. 

Still,  in  spite  of  all  these  misfortunes,  I  was  well 
able  to  console  myself  by  placing  reliance  on  the 
Divine  Will.1 

1  There  are  no  further  personal  details  in  the  original  MS.,  which  closes 
with  a  lengthy  and  detailed  account  of  disputes  between  the  Jesuits  and 
Capuchins  at  Pondicherry.  We  have  no  further  trace  of  Manucci  at  Madras 
or  Pondicherry,  and  only  slight  evidence  of  his  death  in  India  in  1717  (see 
Introduction). 


INDEX 


'Abbas  II,  Shah  of  Persia,  9, 10, 1 1 , 
12,  14,  16,20;  gives  banquet  sin 
honour  of  Lord  Bellomont,  1 1 , 
14,  15,  20  ;  parades  his  cavalry 
in  honour  of  Lord  Bellomont, 
1 6  ;  and  the  Island  of  Ormuz, 
27  ;  and  the  eunuch  Daulat, 

159 

Abu.l  Hasan,  King  of  Gulkandah, 
and   Manucci,    193,    194,    195  ; 
and  Shah  'Alam,  194,  196 
Agrah,    Aurangzeb    and    Murad 

Bakhsh  arrive  in,  73 
Agrah,  Bellomont  at,  36  ;  Bello- 
mont's  remains  removed  to,  37 

Agrah,  Dara  and  his  army  leave, 
53.  54 >  55  J  directed  to  retreat 

_  to,  58  ;  takes  flight  to,  69 

Agrah,  English  factory  at,  36,  38 

Agrah,  Manucci  at,  v.,  36,  124, 
141,  163,  164;  takes  flight  to, 
71  ;  tries  to  leave,  72  ;  has  to 
remain  in,  73  ;  leaves  in  dis- 
guise, 74;  starts  for,  no 

Agrah,  Shaistah  Khan,  appointed 
governor  of,  74 

Agrah,  references,  33,  87 

Aguada,  fort  at  Goa,  179 

Ahmad,  Khwajah,  sent  as  envoy 
to  Da,ud  Khan,  Panni,  251,  252 

Ahmadabad,  Dara  takes  posses- 
sion, of,  86 

Ahmadnagar,  Manucci  accom- 
panies Shah  'Alam  to,  vi ;  Shah 
'Alam  and  his  force  arrive  at, 
190 

Akbar,  King,  ordered  fortress  to 
be  built  at  Allahabad,  112 

Akbar,  Prince,  son  of  Aurangzeb, 
asks  permission  to  build  a  ship 
on  the  river  of  Goa,  166,  167  ; 
builds  the  ship  and  has  it  re- 


moved to  Vingorla,  168  ;  a 
watch  set  to  prevent  his  leav- 
ing Vingorla,  169  ;  writes  for 
Sambha  Ji  to  the  Viceroy  of 
Goa,  171  ;  at  Vingorla,  175 

Albert,  Mons.,  doctor  at  Pondi- 
cherry,  267 

Aleppo,  287 

Alexander  the  Great,  25 

Algarves  (a  province  of  Portugal), 
184 

'Ali  Mardan  Khan,  who  made  over 
Qandahar  to  Shahjahan,  159 

'All,  tomb  of,  at  Isfahan,  23 

Allahabad,  account  of  fortress 
and  rivers  at,  1 12,  1 1 3  ;  Manucci 
at,  112,  113,  114,  124 

AllahwirdI  Khan,  at  the  battle  of 
Khajwah,  104  ;  274 

Almeda,  Juan  Dias  d',  230 

Alreu,  Joao  Rodrigues  de,  pre- 
vents Manucci' s  marriage  with 
the  Pathan  widow,  158,  159 

Alvor,  Count  of.  See  Tavora, 
Francisco  de 

Amanat  Khan,  at  Lahor,  1 50,  151 

Andrada,  Andre  da,  Portuguese 
renegade  at  Masqat,  visits  Goa, 

137 

Apollo,  the  god,  36 
Arabia,  28,  184 

Ararat,  the  mountain  called,  6,  7 
Aras,  the  stream  called,  6 
Arfaxad,  King  of  the  Medes,  7 
Aristotle,  160 
Arkat,   Da,ud    Khan,    Panni,  at, 

236  ;  leaves  for  Madras,  251 
Arkat,  references,  247,  250 
Armenians :   at  Smyrna,  2  ;   mer- 
chants with  Lord  Bellomont' s 
caravan,  3,7;   at  Erzerum,  5  ; 
at   Erivan,   6 ;     merchants   at 


291 


292 


INDEX 


Tabriz,  8  ;  Lord  Bellomont  in 
debt  to,  1 5  ;  at  Isfahan,  22  ;  at 
Shiraz,  24  ;  merchants  at  Bur- 
hanpur,  32  ;  musical  instru- 
ments employed  by,  107 

Asad  Khan.  249 

Asia  Minor ;  Bellomont  and 
Manucci  travel  through,  v. 

Assam,  Mir  Jumlah  in,  117,  1 1 8 

Ataides,  Maria  de,  and  the  French 
doctor's  son,  268,  269,  270 

Audience-hall  of  Shahjahan,  42, 43 

Augustinians,  Portuguese,  their 
church  at  Isfahan,  23  ;  valiant 
resistance  against  Sambha  Ji, 
170 

Aurangabad,  Aurangzeb  at,  32; 
Manucci  at,  140,  141,  287  ;  with 
Jai  Singh  at,  129 

Aurangabad,  270 

Aurangzeb:  at  Aurangabad,  32; 
prepares  to  seize  the  throne, 
51  ;  stratagems  and  intrigues, 
55,  56  ;  his  army,  56,  57, 
58  ;  signal  to  traitors  in  Dara's 
camp,  58,  62  ;  advances  with 
his  army  against  Dara,  60; 
in  danger  of_  being  taken,  65  ; 
arrives  in  Agrah,  73  ;  com- 
munications with  Shahjahan, 
73  ;  succeeds  in  making  a 
prisoner  of  Shahjahan,  73,  74  ; 
starts  in  pursuit  of  Dara,  74  ; 
appoints  Shaistah  Khan 
Governor  of  Agrah,  74  ;  makes 
Murad  Bakhsh  a  prisoner,  74  ; 
leaves  Lahor,  82  ;  arrives  at 
Multan,  83  ;  tempts  Da,ud 
KJjan  with  high  pay,  84  ;  leaves 
MultSn,  85  ;  and  the  Rajah  of 
Srinagar,  87  ;  how  he  rewarded 
Jiwan  Khan,  97  ;  offers  to  take 
Manucci  into  his  service,  98 
details  of  march  to  Kashmir 
102  ;  the  royal  kitchen,  103 
an  early  start,  104  ;  order  of 
the  march,  104 ;  how  the 
route  is  measured,  105  ;  the 
royal  standards,  106  ;  Roshan 
AraBegam  and  her  retinue,  107, 
1 08  ;  plan  of  camp,  108  ;  special 
royal  tents,  109 ;  Manucci's 
aversion  to,  in  ;  orders  des- 
truction of  an  idol  at  Benares, 
114;  in  Kashmir,  124,  125; 
sends Mahabat  Khan  to  Gujarat, 
125  ;  orders  Mahabat  Khan  to 


be  poisoned,  149 ;  Manucci 
translates  his  letter  for  the 
viceroy,  of  Goa,  166  ;  orders 
Shah  'Alam  to  march  towards 
Goa,  176;  at  Ahmadnagar, 
190  ;  M.  negotiates  with,  on  be- 
half of  Governor  Gyfford,  215  ; 
and  the  English,  216  ;  sends 
Da.ud  Khan,  Panni,  to  the 
Karnatik,  232  ;  and  the  English 
in  Madras,  242  ;  references,  36, 
54.  59.  67,  72,  81,  88,  112,  119, 
130,  141, 167, 169, 181,  183, 197, 
226,  249,  258,  274 

Avicenna,  160 

A'zam,  Mir,  second  envoy  sent  by 
Shah  'Alam  to  the  Viceroy  of 
Goa,  177,  178,  179 

A'zam,  Sultan,  on  the  march  to 
Kashmir,"  1 06 

'Azamat-ud-daulah,  chief  minister 
of  Shah 'Abbas,  9, 11,12,14,20; 
interviews  with  Lord  Bellomont, 
13,  15,  16,  17,  18,  19 

Azevedo,  Antonio  de,  brings  news 
of  Dara's  defeat  to  Agrah,  71 

Azevedo,  Thome  de,  physician  at 
Goa,  jealous  of  Manucci,  220, 
221 

Azil  Can,  poisons  Diler  Khan,  213 

Bahadur  Kjian  (Mir  Baba),  ad- 
vances with  Aurangzeb's  army, 
60  ;  sent  to  patrol  roads  west  of 
Agrah,  72  ;  commands  troops 
sent  in  pursuit  of  Dara,  84  ; 
and  the  surrender  of  Bhakkar, 
90,  91  ;  governor  of  Allahabad, 
114;  story  of  his  vain-glorious 
behaviour,  126 
Balasor,  the  harbour  of,  1 18 
Balkh,  the  envoy  from,  Manucci 
doctors  a  relation  of,  99,  100, 

101  ;    manners  and  customs  of 
Uzbak  nobles  from,   100,   101, 

102  ;  the  King  of,  10 1  ;  the  holy 
man  of,  story  of  his  madness, 
150,  151,  152 

Bandar  'Abbas,  25  ;  Manucci  and 
Bellomont  at,  26,  27  ;  English 
factory  at,  27  ;  bad  effects  of 
water  at,  27,  28 

Bandar  'Abbasi.  See  Bandar 
'Abbas 

Bandar  Congo,  138 

Bandora,  on  Salsette  Island, 
Manucci  settles  at,  vi ;  resolves 


INDEX 


293 


to  retire  to,  162  ;  arrives  at, 
163  ;  leaves,  with  A.  Machado, 
164 

Banquets,  given  by  Shah  'Abbas 
in  honour  of  Lord  Bellomont, 
1 1,  14,  15,  20 

Bardes,  taken  possession  of  by 
Sambha  JI,  170,  174  ;  the  town 
of,  plundered  by  order  of  Shah 
'Alam,  182  ;  the  river  of,  178, 
181,  182  ;  reference,  189 

Barqandaz  Khan,  Manucci's  com- 
mander, pleased  at  his  rejoining, 
77  ;  leaves  Multan  with  Dara, 
83  ;  Manucci  hires  house  be- 
longing to,  142 

Barro,  Antonio  de,  Jesuit,  222 

Basant,  Khwajah,  in  command  of 
boats  sent  to  Bhakkar,  82  ;  put 
in  command  at  Bhakkar,  84  ;  at 
Bhakkar,  86  ;  defends  Bhak- 
kar against  Khalllullah  ghan, 
87 ;  enraged  by  letters  from 
Khalllullah  Khan,  88  ;  his 
reply  to  the  letters  of  Khall- 
lullah Khan,  88,  89  ;  receives 
orders  from  Dara  to  surrender 
Bhakkar,  90  ;  and  Lashkar 
Khan,  governor  of  Multan,  91  ; 
and  Manucci,  at  Lahor,  91,  92  ; 
receives  messages  from  Khall- 
lullah Khan,  92  ;  in  danger,  93  ; 
is  killed,  94  ;  reference,  97 

Bassain,  Manucci  at,  v,  134,  135  ; 
warns  I.  Sermento  of,  133  ;  and 
the  commissary  of  the  Inquisi- 
tion at,  228 

Bautista,  Frey  Irao,  Father  Prior 
of  St.  Augustin's  at  Hugli,  Ma- 
nucci visits,  118,  119,  122; 
reference,  121 

Begam  Sahib,  revenues  of  Surat 
given  to,  31  ;  farewell  to  Dara, 
53,  54  ;  message  from  Dara  to, 
69,  70  ;  answer  to  Dara's  mes- 
sage, 70  ;  reference,  269 

Begum  Sahib.     See  Begam  Sahib. 

Beisao,  Luis,  assists  Manucci  to 
demonstrate  European  mode  of 
fighting,  128,  129 

Bellomont,  Lord,  takes  Manucci 
into  his  service,  v,  i ,  2  ;  travels 
through  Asia  Minor,  v  ;  Persia, 
v  ;  in  India,  v  ;  death  of,  at 
Hodal,  1656,  v,  37  ;  at  Raguza, 
2  ;  at  Smyrna,  2  ;  arrives 
Brusa,  a ;  departs,  3 ;  at 


Tokat,  3  ;  Erzerum,  5  ;  at 
Erivan,  6,  7  ;  at  Tabriz,  7,  8  ; 
at  Qazwln,  9,  10,  n,  12;  at 
Isfahan,  12,  13,  14,  15,  16,  17, 
1 8,  19,  20  ;  interviews  with 
'Azamat-ud-daulah,  13,  15,  16, 
17','  1 8,  19  ;  haughty  behaviour 
at  audience  with  Shah  'Abbas, 
20  ;  ill  at  Shiraz,  24  ;  leaves 
Shiraz,  25  ;  at  Lar,  25,  26  ;  at 
Bandar  'Abbas,  26,  27  ;  at 
Sindi,  28  ;  at  Surat,  29,  31  ;  sup- 
plied with  money  by  Henry 
Young,  31  ;  at  Burhanpur,  31, 
32,  33  ;  at  Sironj,  33,  34  ;  at 
Narwar,  35  ;  at  Gwaliyar,  35, 
36  ;  at  Dholpur,  36  ;  at  Agrah, 
36  ;  remains  removed  to  Agrah, 
37 

Bellomont,  Viscount.  See  Bello- 
mont, Lord 

Benares,  rivers  at,  113  ;  Manucci 
at,  114 

Bengal,  Manucci's  journey  by 
boat  to,  116,  117,  118;  refer- 
ence, 268 

Berleu,  Mr.,  266 

Berlin,  Konigliche,  Bibliothek  at, 
purchases  MS.  of  Manucci's 
"  Storia,"  1887,  viii 

Bernier,  Fra^ois,  Manucci  com- 
ments on  his  inaccuracy,  no 

Betel  leaf.     See  Pan 

Bezoar  stones,  24  ;  Manucci  makes 
use  of,  in  treatment,  144 

Bhakkar,  fortress  of,  Dara's  army 
leaves  for,  82  ;  Dara  and  his 
followers  arrive  at,  84 ;  besieged, 
86 ;  the  evacuation  of,  91  ; 
references,  50,  98,  no,  in 

Bhao  Singh,  Manucci  attends,  205 

Bhlma,  the  river,  138,  140 

Bhiwandl,  134 

Biah,  the  river,  Manucci  meets 
Da.ud  Khan  at,  76 

Bianco,  Jorge,  a  Genoese  mer- 
chant, 220 

Bibliotheque  Nationale,  Paris, 
volume  of  portraits  now  in,  ix 

Big  Mount,  Da.ud  Khan  stays  at 
M.'s  house  at,  263  ;  attack  on 
M.'s  house  at,  276;  M.'s  house  at, 
reference,  250 

BIjapur,  city  of,  134,  136,  228; 
Manucci  at,  1 34  ;  the  King  of, 
133  ;  Kingdom  of,  M.  in,  138  ; 
references,  176,  190,  191 


20 


294 


INDEX 


Biyas,  the  river.  See  Biah,  the 
river 

Blood-letting,  mode  of,  with  royal 
patients,  199,  200,  283,  284, 
285 

Bombay,  fortress  of,  invested  by 
the  Moguls,  216 

Botelho,  Diogo  Mendez,  230 

Boureau-Deslandes.  See  Des- 
landes 

Bridges  at  Isfahan,  description  of, 
21,  22 

Bronzoni,  Ortenzio,  friend  of 
Manucci,  230,  231 

Brusa,  Bellomont  and  M.  arrive 
at,  2  ;  depart  from,  3  ;  Anthoine 
Cheleby,  Governor  of,  2,  3 

Bulkley,  Dr.,  English  envoy  sent 
to  Da,ud  Khan.  263,  264 

Burhanpur,  Manucci  and  Bello- 
mont at,  31,  32,  33  ;  Armenian 
merchants  at,  32  ;  description 
of,  32  ;  Manucci  at,  141 

Cadiz,  285 

Capuchins,  Manucci's  account  of 

their  disputes  with  Jesuits,  vii  ; 

their  church  at  Isfahan,  23 
Carmelites,      bare-footed,      their 

church  at  Isfahan,  23 
Carvalho,  Simon,  234 
Castro,    Antonio    de    Mello    de, 

Viceroy  of  Goa,  136 
Catrou,  Pere,  and  Manucci,  viii, 

ix  ;     publishes   book   in    1 70  5 , 

founded  on  Manucci's  "  Storia," 

viii 

Cavalry,  Persian,  parade  of,  16 
Chaghatae  Khan.  90 
Chambal,  the  river,  36  ;  Dara  and 

his  army  reach,  55 
Champat    Bundelah,    33  ;     helps 

Aurangzeb,   56 ;    fate   of,    58  ; 

references,  197,  226 
Champat,  Rajah,  son  of  Champat 

Bundelah,  treated  by  M.,  197 
Chand     Blbl,     her     defence     of 

Ahmadnagar,  190 
Chardin,  Daniel,  264 
Charles  I,  King  of  England,  13 
Charles  II,  King  of  England,  2,  7, 

12,  13 

Chaul,  the  town  of,  112 
Chawal,  the  Hindus  of,  complain 

to  Jai  Singh,  132,  133 
Cheleby,  Anthoine,  Governor  of 

Brusa,  2,  3 


Chhatarsal    Rae,    advances    with 

Dara's    army,    61  ;     reinforces 

Dara,  64  ;   killed,  65 
Chinab,  the  river,  146,  157 
Chiutia,   the   Rajah  of,  Manucci 

sent  as  envoy  to,  129,  131 
Christian    religion,    the,  Manucci 

and,  126,  127 
Christiana,  Dona,  a  widow,  and 

M.,  227,  228 
Clarke,  Elizabeth,    nee    Hartley, 

Manucci     marries,     197  ;     her 

death,  289 
Congo,  Port  of,  25 
Coningsby,    Mr.,    English    envoy 

sent  to  Da.ud  Khan,  263,  264 
Costa,   Dom   Roderigo   da,   com- 
mander of  Portuguese  fleet,  1 74, 

178,  217,  218  ;    M.  applies  for 

protection  to,  221 
Cota,  Luis  Gonsalves,  secretary  at 

Goa,  185,  186,  220,  221 
Couza     Coutinho,     Antonio     de, 

friendly  to  M.,  229 
Crocodiles,     at    the    fortress    of 

Vellore,  260,  261 
Cromwell,  2 
Cudapah,  Karapa,  M.  visits  Da,ud 

Khan  at,  257;  country  between 

Madras  and,  258 
Cuddalore,  240,  255 
Cunha,  Joao  Nunes  da,  Viceroy 

of   Goa,    organises    expedition 

to   Masqat,   137,    138  ;   Cunha, 

Lourenco  "da,    of    Goa,    tricks 

M.,  224,  225 

Dakhin,    the,    M.     follows    Shah 

'Alam  to,  vi;    33 
Dalmatia,  2 
Dalpat  Rao,  M.  refuses  to  attend, 

225,  226 
Daman,  the  Portuguese  of,  131  ; 

Portuguese  territory  extending 

to,  133  ;   M.  at,  163,  166,  225  ; 

references,  269 
Damao.     See  Daman 
Danes,  the,  Da.ud  Khan  asks,  to 

help  him  against  the  English, 

254 

Dangim,  the  fortress  of,  Viceroy 
of  Goa  receives  Sambha  Ji's  en- 
voy at,  173 

Dara,  M.  enters  service  of,  v  ; 
to,  petition  of  Thomas  Roach, 
40  ;  expresses  a  desire  to  see 
Manucci,  47  ;  interviews  Ma- 


INDEX 


295 


nucci,  48  ;  takes  Manucci  into 
his  service,  49  ;  and  Shahjahan, 
51,  52  ;  farewell  to  his  father 
and  Begam  Sahib,  53,  54 ;  leaves 
Agrah  with  his  army,  53,  54,  55  ; 
his  army  encamps  at  Dhol- 
pur,  55,  56;  receives  letter 
from  Shahjahan,  58  ;  leaves 
camp,  59  ;  advances  with  his 
army,  61  ;  adopts  counsels  of 
Khalilullah  Khan.  63  ;  shows 
great  valour,  63,  64  ;  receives 
bad  news,  65,  66  ;  routs  Sultan 
Muhammad  and  Najabat 
Khan.  66  ;  listens  to  traitorous 
advice,  67,  68  ;  takes  flight  to 
Agrah,  69  ;  sends  message  to 
Shahjahan,  69,  70  ;  advised  to 
proceed  to  Dihli,  70  ;  starts  for 
Dihli,  71  ;  hostile  reception  at 
Dihli,  71  ;  starts  for  Lahor ,  71  ; 
raising  a  new  army  in  Lahor, 
74 ;  pleased  at  Manucci's 
fidelity  in  rejoining  him,  77  ; 
starts  for  Multan,  78  ;  at 
Multan,  8 1  ;  leaves  Multan,  82  ; 
discharges  Da.iid  Khan  from 
his  service,  83  ;  arrives  with  his 
army  at  Bhakkar,  84  ;  makes 
Manucci  captain  of  the  Euro- 
peans left  at  Bhakkar,  8  5 ;  leaves 
Bhakkar  for  Sindi,  85  ;  reaches 
Gujarat,  86  ;  takes  possession 
of  Ahmadabad,  86  ;  raising  a 
new  army  in  Gujarat,  87  ;  a 
prisoner,  90  ;  orders  Primavera 
to  surrender  Bhakkar,  90  ;  his 
dismissal  of  Da.ud  Khan,  116  ; 
references,  36,  42,  97,  98,  ill, 
197,  226 

Dara,  Prince.     See  Dara 
Dara  Shukoh.     See  Dara 
Darius,  King  of  Persia,  24 
Da.iid    Khan    gives    Manucci    a 
passport,    76  ;     marches    with 
Dara  to  Multan,  81  ;  fidelity  to 
Dara,   83  ;    takes  service  with 
Aurangzeb,    84;     Governor   of 
Patnah,   Manucci   visits,    116; 
reference,  117 

Da.ud  Khan,  Panni,  in  Madras, 
vii  ;  deputy  governor  in  the 
Karnatik,  Manucci  writes  to, 
232,  233  ;  causes  cessation  of 
persecutions  at  Tanjor,  234, 
235  ;  letter  to  the  King  of 
Tanjor,  235  ;  at  Arkat,  236  ; 


Manucci  sent  by  the  English  on 
deputation  to,  236,  237  ;  course 
of  negotiations,  238,  239,  240, 
241,  242,  243,  244,  245  ;  his 
opinion  of  the  English,  239,  240; 
at  S.  Thome,  246  ;  an  English 
deputation  to,  246,  247  ;  visits 
Governor  Pitt,  248,  249,  250  ; 
returns.toS.  Thome,  250  ;  hostile 
return  to  Madras,  251  ;  Ma- 
nucci goes  to  interview  at  S. 
Thome,  251,  252,  253,  254  ; 
writes  to  the  French,  Dutch, 
and  Danes  to  help  him  against 
English,  254  ;  Mons.  Des- 
prez  sent  as  envoy  to,  255,  256  ; 
sends  a  horse  to  Fr.  Martin,  256  ; 
Manucci  visits,  257  ;  stays  at 
Manucci's  house  at  Big  Mount, 
263  ;  visits  S.  Thome  1706, 
263  ;  receives  the  English  en- 
voys, 264  ;  banquet  given  for, 
265  ;  at  S.  Thome,  265  ;  visit 
from  the  Lord  Bishop,  265  ; 
gives  presents  to  Manucci  at 
leave-taking,  266 ;  references, 
259,  261 

Daulat,  the  eunuch,  and  Ma- 
nucci, 159,  160 

Daulat,  Nazir,  eunuch  in  service 
of  Shah  'Alam,  208,  280,  283 

Davenport,  Mr.,  English  envoy 
sent  to  Da,ud  Khan,  263,  264 

Delavale,  Mons.,  a  French  pirate, 
267,  268 

Deslandes,  brings  home  MS.  of 
Manucci's  "  Storia,"  viii ;  sug- 
gests to  Manucci  that  he  should 
write  his  memoirs,  1 10 

Desprez,  Monsieur,  sent  by  F. 
Martin  as  envoy  to  Da,ud  Khan. 
255,  256 

Destremon,  Monsieur,  French 
physician  to  King  of  Gulkandah, 

193 

Dhakah,  the  river  Jamnah  at,  1 14  ; 
the  city  of,  metropolis  of  Ben- 
gal, 117,  118;  English  and 
Dutch  factories  at,  118 

Dholpur,  Manucci  and  Bellomont 
at,  36  ;  Dara's  army  encamps 
at,  55,  56  ;  the  river  (Chambal), 
226 

Dias,  Agostinho  warns  Manucci  of 
danger,  91 

Dihli,  Manucci  at,  v,  38,  39,  74, 
97,99,  no,  Hi.  165,271  ; enters 


296 


INDEX 


service  of  Jai  Singh  at,  125  ; 
Shahjahanat,  37;  Bellomont's 
property  removed  to,  38,  39  ; 
Dara  advised  to  go  to,  70  ; 
Dara  badly  received  at,  71  ; 
references,  72,  91,  123,  270 

Dilawar,  a  servant  of  Manucci, 
warns  him  of  danger,  92 

Diler  Khan  sends  for  Manucci, 
212  ;  dies  of  poison  adminis- 
tered by  Azil  Can,  213 

Dindar  Khan,  of  Qasur,  Manucci 
thinks  of  marrying  daughter  of, 

157 

Dulha,  Mahomedan  friend  with 
whom  Manucci  seeks  refuge,  95, 
96 

Dumans,  Frey  Raphael,  Capuchin, 
10 

Durga  Das,  sent  by  Akbar  as  his 
representative  during  negotia- 
tions with  Sambha  Ji,  171 

Dutch,  at  Smyrna,  2  ;  factories 
at  Isfahan,  23  ;  at  Patnah,  115; 
at  Dhakah,  1 1 8  ;  at  Qasim 
Baz^r,  123;  Da.ud  Khan  asks 
them  to  help  him  against  the 
English,  254 


Ecbatana,  7 

Ellis,  Mr.,  sent  on  deputation  to 
Da.ud  Khan,  246 

England,  the  King  of,  10 

English,  at  Smyrna,  2  ;  factory  at 
Isfahan,  21  ;  factory  at  Bandar 
'Abbas,  27  ;  factory  at  Agrah, 
36,  38  ;  factory  at  Patnah,  115; 
in  India,  Manucci  speaks  in  de- 
fence of,  241,  242  ;  in  Madras, 
Erepare  to  resist  attack  of 
a,ud  Khan,  253 

Ephraim,  Father,  Capuchin,  mis- 
sionary at  Fort  St.  George,  197 

Erivan,  Bellomont  and  Manucci, 
at,  6,  7 

Erzerum,  Armenians  at,  5  ;  Bello- 
mont and  Manucci  at,  5  ;  the 
men  of,  6 

Ethiopia,  184 

Europe,  the  Kings  of,  16,  132 

Europeans,  artillerymen  in  service 
of  Dara,  49,  51,  52  ;  permitted 
to  distil  spirits,  50  ;  persecute 
Manucci,  155,  156 

Eusebius,  of  Bourges,  brings  home 
MS.  of  Manucci's  "  Storia,"  ix 


Factories,  Dutch,  at  Isfahan,  23-; 
at  Patnah,  115;  at  Dhakah, 
118;  'at  Qasim  Bazar,  123; 
English,  at  Isfahan,  21,  23  ;  at 
Bandar  'Abbas,  27  ;  at  Agrah, 
36,  38  ;  at  Patnah,  115  ;  at 
Dhakah,  1 1 8  ;  French,  at  Qasim 
Bazar,  123 

Fahim,  the  eunuch,  sent  to  Dara, 
70 

Fahim,  eunuch,  servant  of  Auran- 
gzeb,  employed  to  carry 
messages  to  Shahjahan,  73 

Fath-ullah  Khan,  Manucci  cures, 
210 

Fida,e  Khan,  on  the  way  to 
Lahor,  147  ;  Manucci  appeals 
to  troopers  of,  for  protection, 
147,  148  ;  and  Manucci,  149  ; 
permits  Manucci  to  have  fat 
removed  from  two  condemned 
rebels,  153  ;  leaves  Lahor,  154  ; 
Manucci  appeals  for  protection 
to,  156,  157;  references,  150, 

IS2 

Figueredo,  Joao  Lopes  de,  Ma- 
nucci's attorney,  217,  218 

Fon£equa,  Alvaro  da,  of  S.  Thome, 
217 

Fort  of  the  Kings  at  Goa,  179,  181 

Fort  St.  George  (Madras),  Ma- 
nucci takes  refuge  at,  vii ; 
Manucci  arrives  at,  196  ;  Ma- 
nucci married  at,  197  ;  Da.ud 
Khan.  Pannl,  visits  Governor 
Pitt  at,  248 

Foscarini,  Doge  Marco  Nicold, 
only  authority  for  death  of  Ma- 
nucci in  1717,  viii 

Francisco,  Frey,  Father  Vicar  of 
Gulkandah,  Manucci  appeals  for 
help  to,  195 

Frederick,  Mr.,  English  envoy  sent 
to  Da,ud  Khan,  263,  264 

French,  at  Smyrna,  2  ;  factory 
at  Qasim  Bazar,  123  ;  Da.ud 
Khan.  Panni,  asks  them  for 
help  against  the  English,  254 

Galen,  160 

Gallo,  Father  Salvador,  prefect  of 

Theatines  at  Goa,  217,  218 
Ganges,  the  river  of  Allahabad, 

113  ;     course    of,     113,     114 ; 

Hindus  bathe  in,  113 
Caspar    Alfon9O,    Bishop,    at    S. 

Thome,  229,  230,  231 


INDEX 


297 


Ghulam  'AH  Khan,  Governor  of 
Vellore,  invites  Manucci  to 
visit  him,  259,  260 

Ghusul-Khanah,  private  audience 
chamber,  Manucci  allowed  to 
enter  the,  203 

Gitar,  provisional  governor  of 
Lahor,  146 

Goa,  Manucci  at,  v,  vi,  135,  136, 
137  ;  Manucci  decides  to  re- 
turn to,  1 66  ;  under  government 
of  archbishop  Dom  Manoel  de 
Souza  de  Menezes,  168  ;  Sambha 
Jj's  designs  on,  172,  173  ;  Shah 
'Alam  approaches,  175  ;  the 
river  of,  178,  181  ;  Aguadafort, 
and  Fort  of  the  Kings,  at,  179  ; 
Manucci  obtains  leave  to  visit, 
1 88  ;  takes  wheat  to  the  Portu- 
guese, 189;  jealousy  of  doctors 
in,  220,  221  ;  Louren£o  da 
Cunha,  of,  and  Manucci,  224, 
225  ;  Manucci's  stories  of  life 
in,  226,  227,  228  ;  references, 
186,  217,  229 

Gombroon.    See  Bandar  'Abbasi 

Gomens,  IgnaciO,  searches  for 
Manucci's  body,  after  his  re- 
ported death,  96 

Gomes,  Pascoal,  of  Goa,  218 

Gonzalves,  Luis,  a  friend  of  Ma- 
nucci, 279, 280 

Great  Mount,  the.  See  Big 
Mount 

Gudlet,  Thomas,  an  Englishman, 
friend  of  Manucci,  191 

Guety,  Francisco,  friend  of  Ma- 
nucci at  Gulkandah,  193 

Guilherme  (William),  an  English- 
man, assists  Manucci  to  de- 
monstrate European  mode  of 
fighting,  128,  129 

Gujarat,  Dara  reaches,  86  ;  raises 
a  new  army  in,  87  ;  Mahabat 
KJian  at,  126;  Little,  146 

Gulkandah,  Manucci  in,  vi  ;  Ma- 
nucci reaches  193  ;  flies  from, 
and  is  brought  back,  194  ;  Abu.l 
Hasan,  King  of,  and  Manucci, 
**93i  T94»  195  i  references,  24, 191 

Gul  Mirza,  Governor  of  Hugli, 
grants  Jesuits  permission  to 
build  a  church  at  Manucci's  re- 
quest, 119 

Gwaliyar,  the  fortress  of,  des- 
cribed, 35,  36  ;  Bellomont  and 
Manucci  at,  35,  36 


Gyfford,  Governor,  employs  Ma- 
nucci, vii,  215 

Handiyah,  the  town  of,  33 

Hardancourt,  Monsieur,  marries 
granddaughter  of  Fr.  Martin, 
266 

Harem,  the  Royal,  Manucci  visits, 
in  his  capacity  as  physician,  203 

Hartley,  Christopher,  president  of 
Machhlipatanam,  196 

Hasan,  tomb  of,  at  Isfahan,  23 

Hasan  'All  Khan  on  the  march  to 
Kashmir,  104 

Hasanqala'h,  6 

Hayel,  Alexandre  (Elihu  Yale), 
Governor  of  Madras,  216 

Hindu  princes,  of  the  Karnatlk, 
258,259 

Hindus,  at  Lar,  25  ;  the  strong 
places  of,  35  ;  bathing  in  the 
Ganges,  113  ;  the  ancient  idol 
of,  at  Benares,  1 14  ;  the  way  of 
fastening  their  gown,  126  ;  the, 
of  Chawal,  complain  to  Jai 
Singh,  132,  133 

Hindustan,  33 

Hixin,  28 

Hodal,  death  of  Bellomont  at, 
1656,  v,  37  ;  Manucci  buries 
Bellomont  at,  37  ;  references, 
40,  44 

Hormuz.     See   Ormuz 

Hugli,  the  Ganges  at,  114;    Ma- 

"  nucci  at,  118,  119  ;  a  marriage 

proposed  by  the    Jesuits,  120, 

121  ;  interference  of  two  friars, 

121,  122  ;    Manucci  leaves,  123 

Husain,  tomb  of,  at  Isfahan,  23 

lago  Sant.     See  St.  lago 

Ibrahim  Khan,  one  of  Dara's 
generals,  57 

Ignatio,  a  French  doctor's  son, 
and  Manucci,  269,  270 

India,  2  ;  Manucci  with  Bello- 
mont in,  v. 

Isfahan,  Manucci  and  Bellomont 
'at,  12,  13,  14,  15,  16,  17,  18,  19, 
20  ;  description  of,  21,  22,  23  ; 
Mr.  Young,  head  of  English 
factory  at,  21,  23  ;  Christian 
churches  in,  23  ;  tombs  of  'All, 
Husain,  and  Hasan  at,  23 ; 
references,  10,  n,  12,  25,  207 

Italians,  at  Smyrna,  2 


20* 


298 


INDEX 


I'tibar  KJian,  offers  Manucci  em- 
ployment, no,  in  ;  harsh 
treatment  of  Shahjahan  in 
prison,  in,  112 

Ivo,  Father,  Capuchin  of  Surat, 
287 

Jacob,  a  Dutch  surgeon,  assists 
Manucci  with  a  case,  124 

Jai  Singh,  Rajah,  Manucci  enters 
service  of ,  v,  1 25  ;  and  the  Rajah 
of  Srmagar,  87  ;  on  the  march 
to  Kashmir,  107  ;  Manucci  des- 
cribes European  modes  of  fight- 
ing to,  127,  128;  a  demon- 
stration, 128,  129  ;  presents 
Manucci  to  Shi vajl,  132;  Hindus 
of  Chawal  make  a  complaint  to, 
132,  133  ;  Manucci  grieved  at 
death  of,  141  ;  references,  205, 
228 

Jamnah,  the  river,  at  Allahabad, 
113  ;  course  of,  113,  114 

Jam  Begam,  goes  to  Dihll  with 
Dara,  71 

Jesuit  Fathers.     See  Jesuits,  the 

Jesuits,  the,  Manucci's  account  of 
their  disputes  with  the  Capu- 
chins, vii ;  their  church  at 
Isfahan,  23  ;  Manucci  meets, 
at  Agrah,  no  ;  ask  Manucci  to 
take  two  friars  with  him  to 
Bengal,  112;  at  Hugll  ask 
Manucci  to  use  his  influence  on 
their  behalf,  119  ;  at  Hugli  try 
to  arrange  a  marriage  for 
Manucci,  120,  121  ;  at  Hugli, 
and  the  Father  Prior  of  the  Au- 
gustinians,  122  ;  at  Agrah, 
Manucci  visits,  141  ;  at  Ban- 
dora,  162  ;  and  Antonio 
Machado,  164,  165  ;  references, 
132,  234 

Jew's  stones,  from  Mecca,  28 

Jhon,  Mestre.     See  Young,  Henry 

Jlwan  Khan,  and  the  reward  of 
treachery,  97 

Jonh,  Mestre.     See  Young,  Henry 

Judith,  the  Book  of,  8 

Kabul,  KIrat  Singh  ordered  to,  vi, 
141  ;  Muhammad  Amln  Khan, 
ordered  to,  145 

Kaliyanl,  134 

Kambaya,  225 

Kambe,  village  called,  1 34 


Karapa,  Cudapah,  Manucci  visits 

Da,ud  Khan  at,  257 
Karnatik,  the,  Da.ud  Khan,  PannI, 

in,  236  ;    Hindu  princes  of  the, 

258  ;  reference,  225 
Kar-talab     Kjian,     Governor    of 

Dihli^,  271 
Kashmir,  Aurangzeb's  march  to, 

102  ;  Aurangzeb  in,  124,  125 
Khajwah,    battle   of,    references, 

104,  117,  119 
Khalilullah  Khan,  the  traitor,  53  ; 

gives  traitorous  advice  to  Dara, 

57,  62,  63,  67,  68  ;    advances 

with    Dara's     army,    61,     66; 

§oe3  off  to  join  Aurangzeb,  68, 
9  ;  Manucci  spreads  false  re- 
port of  his  death,  71  ;  sends 
force  against  Bhakkar,  87  ; 
letters  to  Primavera  (Khwajah 
Basant),  88  ;  leaves  Lahor,  88  ; 
returns  discomfited,  89  ;  sends 
messages  to  Primavera,  92  ; 
Basant's  head  laid  before,  96  ; 
orders  Manucci  and  his  com- 
panions to  proceed  to  court, 
97  ;  his  excuses  for  the  murder 
of  Khwajah  Basant,  97,  98 

Khwajah  Baha-ud-dm,  tomb  of, 
atMultan,  81,  82 

Khwajah  Khidr,  island  of,  86 

Kirat  Singh,  Manucci  takes  ser- 
vice with,  vi ;  generous  treat- 
ment of  Manucci  at  Dihll,  141  ; 
ordered  to  Kabul,  141  ;  refer- 
ence, 125 

Kohir,  province  of,  Shah  'Alam  in, 
194 

Kolis,  petty  rajahs  of,  129 

Labor,  Manucci  goes  to,  vi ; 
Dara  starts  for,  71  ;  Dara  in, 
raising  a  new  army,  74  ;  Ma- 
nucci rejoins  Dara  at,  77  ;  Dara 
leaves,  78  ;  Aurangzeb  leaves, 
82  ;  KJialllullah  Khan  leaves, 
88  ;  returns  to,  89  ;  governor 
of,  91  ;  Khwajah  Basant  and 
Manucci  at,  91,  92  ;  Manucci 
goes  to,  141  ;  sets  up  as  a 
physician,  142  ;  his  first  patient, 
142-44  ;  gains  a  reputation  for 
skill,  144,  145  ;  Manucci  at, 
affair  of  the  holy  man  of  Balkh, 
150,  151,  152  ;  affair  of  Thika, 
Arain,  153,  154,  155  ;  Manucci 
at,  story  of  eunuch  Daulat,  1 59, 


INDEX 


299 


1 60  ;  Manucci  at,  practises  as 
an  exorcist,  160,  161,  162  ; 
Manucci  leaves,  162,  163  ;  re- 
ferences, 86,  268  ;  the  river  of, 
146 

Langkaran,  Brahman,  244,  245 

Lar,  Hindus  at,  25  ;  Manucci  and 
Bellomont  at,  25,  26 

Lashkar  Khan.  Governor  of  Mul- 
tan,  and  Khwajah  Basant,  91 

Legrenzi,  Angelo,  and  Manucci, 
287,  288 

Lima,  Antonio  Palha  de,  of  S. 
Thome,  217 

Lima,  Francisco  de,  217 

Lister,  Mr.,  English  envoy  sent 
to  Da.ud  Khan,  264 

Lopes,  Gonsallo,  priest,  222 

Machado,  Antonio,  leaves  Ban- 
dora  with  Manucci,  164  ;  causes 
trouble  for  the  Jesuits,  164, 
165 

Machhllpatanam,  Christopher 
Hartley,  president  of,  196 

Madeyra,  Cosmo  Louren9o,  of  San 
Thome,  217 

Madras,  Manucci  in,  vii  ;  Da,ud 
Khan  in,  vii ;  Manucci's  house 
and  garden  at,  vii  ;  (Fort  St. 
George),  Manucci  arrives  at, 
196  ;  Thomas  Clarke,  second  at 
the  station  of,  196  ;  (Fort  St. 
George),  Manucci  marries  at, 
197;  English  in,  241,  242; 
Manucci  returns  to,  245  ;  ren- 
ders account  of  his  deputation  to 
the  Governor,  246 ;  the  Governor 
sends  deputation  to  Da,ud 
Khan,  PannI,  246,  247  ;  (Fort 
St.  George),  Da,ud  Khan, 
Pannl,  visits  Governor  Pitt  at, 
248  ;  Manucci's  return  to  warn 
English  in,  251  ;  English  in, 
prepare  to  resist  attack  of 
Da.ud  Khan.  253  ;  Manucci 
leaves  for  S.  Thome,  255  ;  Ma- 
nucci returns  to,  with  a  mes- 
sage for  Governor  Pitt,  257  ; 
country  between  Cuddapah  and, 
258  ;  Manucci  returns  to,  from 
Tevanapatam,  267  ;  town  of, 
references,  236 

Magic  and  spells,  stories  of,  131, 
132 

Mahabat  Khan,  ordered  to  return 
to  Gujarat,  125  ;  suspects  Ma- 


nucci of  poisoning  him,  149  ; 
his  death,  1 50  ;  ordered  to  write 
to  Governor  Gyfford,  216  ;  re- 
ferences, 145,  146,  281 

Mahal.     See  Harem,  Royal 

Malidl,  Mirza,  captain  of  cavalry, 
225 

Mahomed,  the  prophet,  5 

Mahomedans,  way  of  fastening 
the  gown,  126 

Mailapur,  Caspar  Alfon9O,  Bishop 
of,  229 

Malabarls,  162 

Malier,  Clodio,  visits  Manucci,  39, 
40  ;  befriends  Manucci,  46,  47  ; 
presents  Manucci  at  Court  of 
Prince  Dara,  48  ;  Manucci  lives 
in  his  house,  50 

Malkher,  Manucci  escapes  from, 
vi 

Manucci :  and  Abu.l  Hasan,  King 
of  Gulkandah,  193, 194, 195  ;  at 
Agrah,  v,  36  ;  leaves  with 
Dara  and  his  army,  53  ;  retreats 
to,  71  ;  tries  to  leave,  72  ;  is 
obliged  to  remain,  73  ;  leaves  in 
disguise,  74  ;  at,  offered  em- 
ployment by  I 'tibar  Khan,  no, 
in  ;  he  leaves,  taking  two 
friars  with  him,  112  ;  treats 
the  governor,  124 ;  visits  Jesuits, 
141  ;  at  Agrah,  163,  164  ;  at 
Ahmadnagar,  accompanies  Shah 
'Alam  to,  vi ;  at  Allahabad,  112, 
113,  114;  at  Allahabad,  124; 
and  Monsieur  Albert,  doctor  at 
Pondicherry,  267  ;  Joao  de 
Alreu  prevents  his  marriage 
with  the  Pathan  widow,  158, 
159  ;  and  Amanat  Khan.  150, 
151  ;  at  Arkat,  sent  with  a  de- 
putation to  Da.ud  Khan,  Pannl, 
236 ;  travels  through  Asia 
Minor  with  Bellomont,  v  ;  at 
Aurangabad,  140, 141,  287;  with 
Jai  Singh,  129;  and  Aurang- 
zeb,  refuses  offer  of  employ- 
ment, 98  ;  his  aversion  to,  in  ; 
and  Aurangzeb,  translates  his 
letter  to  the  Viceroy  of  Goa, 
1 66  ;  and  Aurangzeb,  negotiates 
with  on  behalf  of  Governor 
Gyfford,  215  ;  and  MIr_  Azam, 
envoy  sent  by  Shah  'Alam  to 
Viceroy  of  Goa,  177,  178,  179  ; 
and  'Azamat-ud-daulah,  present 
during'his  interviews  with  Lord 


INDEX 


Bellomont,  13, 15, 16,17,  !8, 19  ; 
and  Thome  de  Azevedo,  phy- 
sician at  Goa,  220,  221  ;   treats 
a  relation  of  the  envoy  from 
Balkh,  99,  100,  101  ;    story  of 
the  holy  man  of  Balkh,  1 50, 151, 
152  ;    describes    manners    and 
customs  of  nobles  from  Balkh, 
100-2  ;      at     Bandar     'Abbas, 
26,     27  ;      at     Bandora,     vi ; 
resolves    to     retire     to,     162  ; 
arrives,     163  ;    leaves  with   A. 
Machado,    164  ;    and    Barqan- 
daz      Khan.      77,      142  ;      and 
Khwajah  Basant   (Primavera), 
recommended    to   his   care   by 
Dara,  85  ;  and  Khwajah  Basant, 
under  his  command  at  Bhak- 
kar,  85,  86,  87,  88,  89,  90  ;   and 
Kh.  Basant,  leaves  Bhakkar  with 
him,    91  ;     at   Lahor,    91,    92  ; 
stands  by  him,  93  ;  at  Bassain, 
v,  134,  135  ;   questioned  by  the 
commissary  of  the  Inquisition 
at,  228  ;    and  Frey  Irao  Bau- 
tista,  118,  119,  122;    and  Luis 
Bei9ao,  they  demonstrate  Euro- 
pean mode  of  fighting,  128,  129  ; 
and  Bellomont,  is  taken  into  his 
service,  v,   I,  2  ;    travels  with 
him   through  Asia  Minor  and 
Persia,    v,    2-27  ;     and    Lord 
Bellomont,  present  at  his  inter- 
view with  'Azamat-ud-daulah, 
13,15,16,17,18,19;  with  Bel- 
lomont in  India,  28-37  ;  buries 
Bellomont  at  Hodal,    37  ;     at 
Benares,  114  ;   journey  to  Ben- 
gal by  boat,  1 1 6,  1 1 7,  1 1 8  ;  com- 
ments on  Bernier's  inaccuracy, 
1 10  ;  makes  use  of  bezoar  stone 
in  treatment,  114;  at  Bhakkar, 
arrives  with  army  of  Dara,  84  ; 
at  Bhakkar,  made  captain  of  the 
Europeans  left  in  the  fortress, 
85  ;    at  Bhakkar,  the    fortress 
besieged,  86,  87  ;    at  Bhakkar, 
wounded  by  an  arrow,  88  ;    at 
Bhakkar,  in  command    of  the 
artillery,  88,  89, 90  ;  at  Bhakkar, 
leaves    with    Khwajah    Basant 
(Primavera),  91  ;  attends  Bhao 
Singh,  205  ;    at  the  river  Biah, 
meets   Da,ud    Khan,    76 ;     his 
house    at    Big    Mount,    Da,ud 
Khan    stays    there,    263  ;     his 
house  at  Big  Mount  attacked, 


276  ;  his  house  at  Big  Mount, 
reference,  250  ;   at  city  of  Bija- 
pur,   134  ;    in  the  Kingdom  of 
Bijapur,      138;     blood-letting, 
describes  his  mode  of  treating 
royal  patients,    199,   200,   283, 
284,    285  ;    his    friend    Orten- 
zio    Bronzoni,    230,    231  ;     at 
Brusa,   arrival,    2 ;    departure, 
3  ;    at  Burhanpur,  31,  32,  33, 
141  ;  and  Capuchins,  account  of 
their  disputes  with  the  Jesuits, 
vii,     Pere     Catrou,     viii,     ix  ; 
treats  Rajah  Champat,  son  of 
Champat  Bundelah,  197  ;    sent 
as  envoy  to  the  Rajah  of  Chiutia, 
129,    131  ;     and   the   Christian 
religion,    126,    127  ;     and    the 
widow  Dona  Christiana,  of  Goa, 
227,   228 ;    marries    E.  Clarke, 
n&e  Hartley,  at  Fort  St.  George, 
vii,  197  ;   her  death,  289  ;    and 
Dom  R.  da  Costa,  commander 
of  Portuguese  fleet,    174,   178, 
217,  218,  221  ;    and  Luis  Gon- 
salves  Cota,  secretary  at  Goa, 
220,  221  ;    and  Ant.  de  Couza 
Coutinho,    229  ;     at    Cudapah 
(Karapa),  visits  to  Da.ud  Khan. 
257  ;    tricked  by  Louren£o  da 
Cunha,  of  Goa,  224,  225  ;    fol- 
lows Shah  'Alam  to  the  Dakhin 
1678,     vi  ;     refuses    to    attend 
Dalpat    Rao,    225,     226  ;      at 
Daman,    163,    166,   225;     and 
Dara,   the  prince  expresses    a 
wish  to  see  Manucci,  47  ;    he 
interviews  Manucci,  48  ;    Man- 
ucci enters  his  service,  v,  49  ; 
with    the    army,    53-59  ;    the 
battle-array,  60,  61  ;    describes 
course  of  battle  and  defeat  of 
Dara,   62-70  ;  Manucci  rejoins 
the     prince    at     Lahor,      77  ; 
follows  Dara  from  Lahor,  80  ; 
the  army  leaves  Multan,  82,  83; 
arrival  at  Bhakkar,  84 ;  Manucci 
begs  for  leave  to  go  with  Dara, 
84  ;  the  prince  makes  Manucci 
captain   of    Europeans   left  at 
Bhakkar,    85  ;  date    of   death, 
vii,   viii,  289  n.  ;    Da,ud  Khan 
gives  Manucci  a  passport,  76; 
Da.ud    Khan,     Manucci    visits 
him    at    Patnah,     116;    Da,ud 
Khan,      Panni,     a     letter    to, 
232,  233  ;    and   Da,ud    Khan, 


INDEX 


Panni,  sent  with  a  deputation 
to  greet  him  by  the  Eng- 
lish, 236,  237  ;  and  Da.ud 
KJjan,  Panni,  course  of  the  nego- 
tiations, 238-45  ;  and  Da,ud 
Khan,  Panni,  246,  247  ;  and 
Da.ud  Khan,  Panni,  sent  to 
meet  him  at  S.  Thome  and 
escorts  him  to  Fort  St.  George, 
248  ;  and  Da,ud  Khan,  Panni, 
sent  to  interview  him  at  San 
Thome,  251-54;  and  Da,ud 
Khan,  Panni,  a  visit  at  Cuda- 
pah,  257  ;  ;  and  Da.ud  Khan, 
Panni ,  a  visit  to  Manucci's  house 
at  Big  Mount,  263  ;  Da,ud 
Khan,  Panni,  Manucci  visits, 
with  the  English  envoys,  263, 

264  ;      Da,ud      Khan,     Panni, 
Manucci  goes  to  take  leave  of, 

265  ;     receives    presents,    266  ; 
the      eunuch      Daulat,       159, 
1 60  ;      Deslandes     brings    MS. 
of    the    "Storia"    to    Europe, 
viii,   suggests   to   Manucci   the 
writing  of  his  "Storia,"    no; 
at    Dhakah,    well    treated    by 
Thomas  Platt,   1 1 8  ;    at  Dhol- 
pur,  36  ;   warned  by  Agostinho 
Dias      of     danger,     91  ;       at 
Dihli,      v,     38,     39,     74,      97, 
no,  271  ;   at  Dihli,  acting  as  a 
physician,  99,  165  ;     at   Dihli, 
handsomely  treated    by    Kirat 
Singh,      141  ;     at     Dihli,     en- 
ters   service  of   Jai    Singh,   v, 
125  ;    Dilawar,   warns    him    of 
danger,      92  ;      Diler       Khan, 
sends  for    Manucci   to    attend 
him,   212  ;    Dindar    KJian,    of 
Qasur,      Manucci      thinks      of 
marrying    his    daughter,    157; 
seeks    refuge   in   house   of   his 
friend  Dulha,  95,  96  ;  encounter 
with  an  angry  slave,  211,  212  ; 
speaks  in  defence  of  the  English, 
241,  242  ;    at  Erivan,  6,  7  ;    at 
Erzerum,  5  ;  persecuted  by  the 
Europeans,    155,    156;     Euse- 
bius,  of  Bourges,  brings  home 
MS.     of     the      "  Storia,"     ix  ; 
cures    Fath-ullah-Khan,    210  ; 
Fida.e      Khan,      Manucci      is 
presented    to,     149  ;      permits 
Manucci  to  have  fat  removed 
from    two    condemned    rebels, 
153;     to    Fida,e    Khan,    Ma- 


nucci appeals  for  protection, 
l$6,  157 •  ;  and  his  attorney,  J. 
L.  de  Figueredo,  217,  218  ;  at 
Fort  St.  George  (Madras),  vii, 
196  ;  he  marries,  197  ;  appeals 
for  help  to  Frey  Francisco, 
Father  Vicar  of  Gulkandah, 
195;  Father  Salvador  Gallo,  of 
Goa,  217,  218  ;  and  Bishop 
Gaspar  Alfonso,  229,  230,  231  ; 
visits  Ghulam  'Ali  I£han  at 
Vellore,  259,  260  ;  allowed  to 
enter  the,  Ghusul-Khanah  or 
private  audience  chamber,  203  ; 
at  Goa,  v,  vi,  135,  137  ;  his 
illness  there,  136;  at  Goa,  he 
leaves  in  disguise,  138  ;  decides 
to  return,  166  ;  at  Goa,  warn- 
ings to  the  viceroy,  167,  1 68  ;  at 
Goa,  treated  as  a  traitor  by 
Dom  Manoel  de  Souza  de 
Menezes,  169  ;  at  Goa,  presents 
Sambha  Ji's  envoy  to  the 
viceroy,  1 70  ;  at  Goa,  sent  as  en- 
voy to  Sambha  Ji,  vi,  171,  172  ; 
at  Goa,  helps  to  frustrate  de- 
signs of  Sambha  Ji  and  his 
envoy,  173  ;  at  Goa,  sent  as 
envoy  to  the  Mogul  fleet,  off 
Vingorla,  174,  175  ;  at  Goa, 
sent  as  envoy  to  Sambha  Ji  for 
the  second  time,  175  ;  at  Goa, 
sent  to  speak  with  Shah  '  Alam's 
envoy,  177  ;  at  Goa,  meets  Mir 
'Azam,  envoy  from  Shah  'Alam 
to  the  viceroy,  I77,_i78,  179; 
at  Goa,  visits  Shah  'Alam  at  his 
encampment  near,  179,  180, 
181,  182  ;  obtains  leave  of 
absence  to  visit  Goa,  188  ; 
takes  wheat  to  the  Portuguese 
there,  189  ;  at  Goa,  jealousy  of 
the  physicians  there,  220,  221  ; 
at  Goa,  tricked  by  L.  da  Cunha, 
224,  225  ;  at  Goa,  stories  of 
life  there,  226,  227,  228  ;  his 
friend  Luis  Gonzalves,  279, 280  ; 
and  Thomas  Gudlet,  191  ;  his 
friend  Fr.  Guety  at  Gulkandah, 
193  ;  Guilherme  (William), 
an  Englishman,  assists  him  to 
demonstrate  European  mode  of 
fighting,  128,  129  ;  and  Mirza 
Gul,  Governor  of  Hugli,  119; 
in  Gulkandah,  vi,  he  arrives, 
193  ;  flies  from  and  is  brought 
back,  194  ;  in  Gulkandah,  deal- 


302 


INDEX 


ings  with  the  King  Abu.l 
Hasan,  193,  194,  195  ;  at 
Gwaliyar,  35,  36  ;  employed  by 
Governor  Gyfford,  vii,  215  ; 
visits  the  Royal  Harem  as  a 
physician,  203 ;  buries  Bello- 
mont  at  Hodal,  37  ;  arrives  at 
Hugli ;  118  ;  goes  to  see  Frey 
Irao  Bautista,  118,  119;  at 
Hugli,  a  marriage  proposed  by 
the  Jesuits,  120,  121  ;  interfer- 
ence of  two  friars,  121,  122  ; 
leaves  Hugli,  123  ;  helps  Ignatio, 
a  French  doctor's  son,  269, 
270  ;  in  India  with  Bello- 
mont  v;  at  Isfahan,  12,  13, 
14,  15,  16,  17,  18,  19,  20,  21,  22, 
23  ;  and  I'tibar  Khan,  an  offer 
of  employment,  no,  in  ; 
Jacob,  a  Dutch  surgeon,  assists 
him  with  a  case,  124  ;  enters 
service  of  Jai  Singh,  v,  125; 
describes  European  modes  of 
fighting  to  him,  127,  128  ;  a 
demonstration,  128,  129  ;  is 

E  resented  by  Jai  Singh  to 
hiva  JI,  132  ;  grief  at  death  of 
Jai  Singh,  141  ;  and  the  Jesuits, 
account  of  their  disputes  with 
the  Capuchins,  vii,  meets  them 
at  Agrah,  1 10 ;  they  ask  him 
to  take  two  friars  with  him 
to  Bengal,  112;  ask  him  to 
use  his  influence  in  their  be- 
half at  Hugli,  119;  they  try 
to  arrange  a  marriage  for  him 
at  Hugli,  1 20,  121  ;  he  visits 
them  at  Agrah,  141  ;  at  Karapa 
(Cudapah),  visit  to  Da,ud  Khan, 
257;  describes  Aurangzeb's 
march  to  Kashmir,  102-10 ;  three 
days'  march  with  the  army  to- 
wards Kashmir,  no;  spreads 
false  report  of  death  of  Khalilul- 
lah  Khan,  71  ;  is  ordered  to  pro- 
ceed to  court  of  Aurangzeb  by 
Kh.  Kh..  97  ;  takes  service  with 
Kirat  Singh,  vi  ;  is  generously 
treated  by  him  at  Dihll,  141  ; 
goes  to  Lahor,  vi ;  rejoins  Dara 
at,  77  ;  with  Khwajah  Basant 
at,  91,  92;  at  Lahor,  in  great 
danger,  94  ;  escapes  naked,  95  ; 
at  Lahor,  141  ;  sets  up  as  a 
physician,  142  ;  his  first  patient, 
142-4  ;  gains  a  reputation  for 
skill,  144,  145  ;  at  Lahor,  affair 


of  the  holy  man  of  Balkh,  150, 
151,  152;  at  Lahor,  story  of 
Thika  Arain,  a  corpulent  Ma- 
homedan,  153,  154,  155  ;  at 
Lahor,  forced  to  leave  in  suite 
of  Muhammad  Arnin  Khan,  145; 
returns,  146  ;  falsely  accused  of 
theft,  147  ;  at  Lahor,  appeals 
for  protection  to  Fida,e  Khan's 
troopers,  147,  148  ;  at  Lahor, 
visits  Mirza  Salih,  son  of  Fida.e 
Khan.  148  ;  is  presented  by 
him  to  Fida.e  Khan,  149  ;  at 
Lahor,  story  of  the  eunuch  Dau- 
lat,  1 59, 1 60  ;  at  Lahor,  practises 
as  an  exorcist,  160,  161,  162  ; 
leaves  Lahor,  162,  163  ;  at 
Lar,  25,  26  ;  and  A.  Legrenzi, 
physician,  287,  288  ;  and  Ant. 
Machado,  164  ;  in  Madras,  vii; 
his  house  and  garden,  vii;  he 
arrives  at  Madras  (Fort  St. 
George),  196  ;  at  Madras  (Fort 
St.  George),  his  marriage,  197  ; 
returns  from  deputation  to 
Da,ud  Stan,  245  ;  warning  to 
the  English,  251  ;  at  Madras, 
leaves  for  S.  Thome,  255  ;  re- 
turns with  a  message  for 
Governor  Pitt,  257  ;  returns 
from  Tevanapatam,  267  ;  sus- 
pected of  poisoning  Mahabat 
1^3 an,  149,  150;  receives  a 
visit  from  Clodio  Malier,  39,  40  ; 
befriended  by  Clodio  Malier,  46, 
47  ;  presented  at  court  of 
Pr.  Dara,  by  Clodio  Malier,  48  ; 
lives  in  house  of  Cl.  Malier, 
50  ;  escapes  from  Malkher,  vi ; 
and  Father  Martin,  Jesuit, 
231-33  ;  Fr.  Martin,  Director- 
General,  suggests  that  Ma- 
nucci  should  write  his  auto- 
biography, 1 10  ;  sends  Ma- 
nucci  to  Daman  in  an  armed 
sloop,  1 66  ;  visits  Fra^ois 
Martin,  at  Pondicherry,  is  ad- 
vised by  him  to  marry,  1 96  ; 
receives  letter  from  Fra^ois 
Martin,  231  ;  replies,  233;  com- 
municates with  Fran9ois  Mar- 
tin, 251,  255  ;  treats  Fr.  Mar- 
tin when  ill,  effects  a  cure, 
267;  at  Masulipatam,  vi  ;  Dom 
M.  de  Souza  de  Menezes, 
treats  M.  as  a  traitor,  169  ;  his 
friend  Mirecautaula,  282,  283  ; 


INDEX 


303 


and  Mirza  Arjanj,  274,  275  ; 
and  Mirza  Muhammad  Muqim, 
207,  208,  209  ;  visits  MirzaSalih, 
148  ;  is  presented  by  him  to 
Fida.e  Khan,  149  ;  called  to 
attend  Mirza  Sulaiman  _Beg, 
brother-in-law  of  Shah  'Alam, 
207,  208  ;  and  Khwajah  Miskin, 
49  ;  explains  why  he  left  the 
Mogul  country,  198,  199  ;  and 
Muhammad  Amln  Khan,  forced 
to  leave  Lahor  in  his  suite,  145  ; 
falsely  accused  by  him  of  theft, 
146,  147  ;  assisted  by  Muham- 
mad Ibrahim  to  escape  from 
Shah  'Alam,  191,  192,  193  ; 
asked  to  treat  Muhammad  Ja'far, 
257  ;  Mir  Muhammad  sent  in 
pursuit  of,  1 86]  187;  and  Mu- 
hammad Muqim,  278,  279  ; 
cures  Muhammad  Riza,  210  ;  al- 
tercation'with  Shekh  Muham- 
mad, 183,  184  ;  and  Sultan 
Mu'izz-ud-din,  186  ;  at  Multan, 
81,91  ;  and  Mumin  Khan.  195  ; 
at  Narsapur,  vi,  he  flies  there 
to  evade  capture  by  Shah 
'Alam,  194;  at  Narwar,  35  ; 
interview  with  Nawab  Bae  Ji, 
mother  of  Shah  'Alam,  180  ; 
writes  to  the  eunuch  Nekroz, 
215  ;  and  Nur-un-nissa  Be- 
gam,  an  accident  in  blood- 
letting, 286  ;  his  first  trial  of 
pan  (betel),  30  ;  attacked  by 
thieves  at  Pandharpur,  139, 
1 40  ;  lucky  escape  near  Panipat, 
75.  76  ;  at  Parenda,  140  ;  at 
Patnah,  114;  story  of  the  clever 
Armenian,  1 1 5,  1 16  ;  at  Patnah, 
visits  Da,ud  Khan,  116;  at 
Patnah,  1 24  ;  sent  as  envoy  to 
Rajah  of  Pent,  129  ;  in  Persia, 
v,  6-27  ;  and  Pheliciano  de 
SantaTeresa, Prior  of  Carmelites, 
at  Goa,  227,  228  ;  appeals  for 
help  to  Lourenco  Pit,  195  ;  em- 
ployed by  Governor  Pitt,  vii  ; 
Governor  Pitt  arbitrates  be- 
tween Manucci  and  the  Portu- 
guese, 219  ;  Manucci  warns  him 
of  the  approach  of  Da,ud 
Khan,  25 1 ;  is  asked  by  Governor 
Pitt  to  visit  Da,ud  Khan  with 
the  English  envoys,  263  ;  and 
Thomas  Platt,  of  Dhakah,  1 18  ; 
in  Pondicherry,  vii,  251  ;  visits 


Fr.  Martin  at,  196  ;  leaves,  197  ; 
returns  to  Pondicherry  to  treat 
Fr.  Martin,  267  ;  and  Joao  A. 
Portugal,  embassy  to  Shah 
'Alam,  222,  223,  224 ;  em- 
ployed by  the  Portuguese,  vi; 
and  Signor  Protazio,  287,  288  ; 
at  Qasim  Bazar,  123  ;  be- 
friended by  Qazi  Mir,  minister 
of  Shah  'Alam,  281,  282,  283  ; 
at  Qazwin,  9,  10,  1 1 ,  12  ;  arrives 
with  Lord  Bellomont  at  Ra- 
guza,  2  ;  receives  a  warning 
from  Rajapur,  168  ;  at  Rajma- 
hal,  117  ;  story  of  sail  at,  123  ; 
sent  with  Ramap§.  on  deputa- 
tion to  Da,ud  Khan,  236  ; 
Ramapa  causes  trouble,  238-40, 
243,  244  ;  his  excuses,  245  ; 
generous  conduct  towards  Ra- 
mapa, 246  ;  sent  as  envoy  to 
Rajah  of  Ramnagar,  129,  130  ; 
receives  a  horse  from  Manoel 
Ribeiro,  140  ;  M.  and  T.  Roach, 
38,  39,  44  ;  visits  G.  Roberts, 
Governor  of  Tevenapatam,  266, 
267  ;  and  Heinrich  Roth,  Jesuit, 
112;  and  the  Turk,  Rumi 
KJian,  78,  79,  80,  81  ;  as- 
sisted by  Domingo  de  Sa§,  to 
demonstrate  European  mode  of 
fighting,  128,  129  ;  receives 
letter  from  Sa'adatullah  Khan, 
256  ;  and  Sambha  Ji,  vi ;  sent 
as  envoy  to,  171,  172,  175  ; 
and  Diogo  de  M.  de  Sampayo, 
163,  164  ;  at  San  Thome,  un- 
just treatment  by  Portuguese, 
217,  218  ;  at  San  Thome, 
Governor  Pitt  as  arbitrator,  219; 
San  Thome,  sent  to  receive 
Da.ud  Khan,  PannI,  at,  248; 
made  a  Knight  of  Sant'  lago, 
vi,  184  ;  the  letters  patent,  184, 
185,  1 86;  takes  part  in  a 
rescue  from  satJ,  124,  125'; 
warns  I.  Sermento  at  Bassain  of 
trouble,  133  ;  I.  Sermento  testi- 
fies as  to  Manucci 's  services  to 
the  Portuguese,  133, 134  ;  tardy 
payment  of  a  debt  to  Manucci, 
1 36  ;  enters  service  of  Shah 
'Alam,  vi,  165,  166 ;  obtains 
leave,  166  ;  visits  him  at  his 
camp  near  Goa,  179-82  ;  and 
Shah  'Alam,  181, 182  ;  attempts 
to  leave  Shah  'Alam,  1 86 ;  is 


304 


INDEX 


recaptured,  1.87  ;  obtains  leave 
from  Shah  'Alam  to  visit  Goa, 
1 88  ;  takes  a  supply  of  wheat 
with  him,  189;  again  leaves 
Shah  'Alam,  191,  192,  193  ; 
Shah  'Alam  sends  in  search  of 
him,  197  ;  Shah  'Alam  plays 
a_  trick  onM.,  201,  202  ;  Shah 
'Alam  tries  to  persuade  him  to 
change  his  religion,  204  ;  tested 
by  Shah  'Alam,_  206,  207  ; 
ordered  by  Shah  'Alam  to  treat 
different  people  at  his  court, 
208-10;  Shah  Alam  annoyed  at 
his  being  sent  for  by  Diler 
Khan.  2 12,  _  21 3;  negotiates 
with  Shah  'Alam,  vi,  222-24  ; 
and  Shah  'Alam,  277-82  ;  pre- 
sented to  Shahjahan,  42  ;  des- 
cribes the  audience  hall,  42, 43  ; 
at  Shiraz,  24,  25  ;  meets  Shiva 
JI,  132  ;  at  Sihrind,  97,  163  ; 
reference,  285  ;  atSindi,  28  ;  at 
Sironj,  33,  34;  M.  and  R.  Smith, 
38,  39,  44  ;  arrives  with  Lord 
Bellomont  at  Smyrna,  2  ;  Joao 
de  Souza  helps  him  to  prescribe, 
100  ;  his  "  Storia  do  Mogor," 
account  of  the  MSS.,  viii,  ix  ;  at 
Surat,  29,  30,  31,  163,  1 66  ;  as  a 
swashbuckler,  273,  274  ;  youth- 
ful escapades,  275,  276 ;  at 
Tabriz,  7,  8  ;  Ignacio  de  Taide 
embezzles  his  ship  and  cargo, 
163  ;  and  Fr.  deTavora,  Viceroy 
of  Goa,  221  ;  sends  Manucci  to 
negotiate  with  Sambha  Ji,  171  ; 
Fr.  de  Tavora,  his  reports 
to,  173,  182  ;  sends  Manucci  as 
envoy  to  the  Mogul  fleet,  174, 
175  ;  Fr.  de  Tavora,  sends  Ma- 
nucci to  speak  with  envoy  of 
Shah  'Alam,  177  ;  Fr.  de  Ta- 
vora offers  Manucci  knighthood 
of  Sant'  lago,  1 84  ;  at  Tevena- 
patam,  266,  267  ;  and  Thlka 
Arain,  a  corpulent  Mahomedan, 
1 5  3~5  5  ;  atTokat,  3  ;  describes 
manners  and  customs  of  Uz- 
baks  from  Balkh,  100-102  ; 
at  Vellore,  259,  260  ;  runs  away 
from  Venice,  1653,  v,  i  ;  and 
Father  Damao  Vieira,  228,  229  ; 
sent  as  envoy  to  Mogul  fleet  off 
Vingorla,  174,  175  ;  applies  for 
help  to  Wazir  Khan.  40,  41  ; 
taken  to  Shahjahan's  palace  by 


Wazir  Khan,  41,  42;  and 
Wazir  Khan,  44,  45,  46  ;  writes 
to  Henry  Young  at  Surat,  50  ; 
Zu.lfiqar  Khan  sends  a  present 
to,  266 

Maquari,  Monsieur,  doctor  at 
Pondicherry,  267 

Maronites,  musical  instruments 
employed  by,  107 

Martin,  Father,  Jesuit,  and  M. 
231,  232,  233  ;  reference,  235 

Martin,  Fra^ois,  Director  -  Gen- 
eral, suggests  to  Manucci  that  he 
should  write  his  autobiography, 
no  ;  sends  Manucci  to  Daman 
in  an  armed  sloop,  166  ;  Ma- 
nucci goes  to  visit,  196  ;  ad- 
vises Manucci  to  marry,  196  ; 
letter  to  Manucci  from,  231  ; 
Manucci  replies  to,  233  ;;  Ma- 
nucci communicates  with,  251, 
255  ;  sends  an  envoy  to  Da,ud 
Khan.  255  ;  Da.ud  Khan  sends 
a  horse  to,  256  ;  letter  from 
Sa'adatullah  Khan  to,  257  ; 
marriage  of  his  granddaughter, 
266  ;  illness  of,  Manucci  hastens 
to  his  side,  267  ;  death  of,  289 

Martin,  Senhor  Francisco.  See 
Martin,  Francois 

Masqat,  fruitless  Portuguese  ex- 
pedition against,  137,  138 

Masson,  Monsieur,  a  French  pirate, 
268 

Masulipatam,  Manucci  at,  vi 

Maya,  Thomas  de,  of  S.  Thome, 
220 

Mecca,  Jew's-stones  from,  28 

Meerman,  Baron  Gerard,  pur- 
chases MS.  of  the  "  Storia," 
1705,  viii 

Mellos  and  Mendozas,  disputes  of, 
at  Bassain,  134,  135 

Menezes,  Dom  Manoel  de  Souza  de, 
Archbishop,  temporary  Gover- 
nor of  Goa,  1 68,  169;  treats 
Manucci  as  a  traitor,  1 69 

Menezes,  Manoel  da  Silva  de,  of  S. 
Thome,  217,  220 

Mirak  Ata  ullah,  a  captain,  150 

Mir  Baba,  foster  brother  of 
Aurangzeb.  See  Bahadur  Khan 

Mir  Jumlah,  in  Assam,  117,  118  ; 
Viceroy  of  Bengal,  makes  Mirza 
Jam  Governor  of  Rajmahal,  117; 
makes  Mirza  Gul  Governor  of 
Hugli,  119 


INDEX 


305 


Mirecautaula,  a  friend  of  Manucci, 

282,  283 

Mirza  'Abdullah,  146 
Mirza  Arjanj  and  Manucci,  274, 

275 
Mirza    Jam,    Governor    of    Raj- 

rnahal,  117 
Miskin,  Khwajah.  Manucci  put  in 

the  charge  of,  49 
MisrI  Khan,  marries  the  Pa  than 

widow  instead  of  Manucci,  158 
Mogul  country,  the,  why  Manucci 

left,  198,  199 

Moguls,  the,  fond  of  flowers,  22 
Monte  Grande.      See  Big  Mount 
Moreira,  Souza,  custodian,  185 
Mota,  Una  de  Manoel  de,  island 

near  Goa,  178 
Mozambique,  I.  Sermento  goes  to, 

136 
Mu  'Azzam,  Sultan,  on  the  march 

to  Kashmir,  106 
Mubariz  Khan,  Manucci  attends 

the  wife  of,  209 
Muhammad,  81,  82  ;  the  image  of, 

164 
Muhammad  Amm  Khan,  51  ;  on 

the  march   to    Kashmir,    104  ; 

Governor  of  Lahor,  141  ;  forces 

Manucci  to  leave  Lahor  in  his 

suite,  145  ;  has  Manucci  falsely 

accused  of  theft,  146,  147 
Muhammad  Ibrahim,  assists  Ma- 
nucci   to    escape    from    Shah 

'Alam,  191,  192,  193 
Muhammad  Ja'far,  Manucci  asked 

to  treat,  257 
Muhammad  Mir,  foster  brother  of 

Shah  'Alam,  sent  in  pursuit  of 

Manucci,  186,  187 
Muhammad  Muqim,  chief  physi- 
cian to  Shah  'Alam,  277,  278, 

279,  287,  288 
Muhammad    Muqim    Mirza,   and 

M.,  207,  208,  209 
Muhammad  Riza,  Manucci  cures, 

210 
Muhammad   Riza,  Mirza,    officer 

of  Shah  'A  lam,  222 
Muhammad     Sadiq,     official     at 

Shah  'Alam's  court,  222 
Muhammad  Sa'Id,  dlwan  of  the 

Karnatik,  237 
Muhammad,  Shekh,  envoy  from 

A'urangzeb  to  Viceroy  of  Goa, 

altercation  with  Manucci,  183, 

184  ;  reference,  185 


Muhammad,  Sultan,  son  of  Au- 
rangzeb, 60  ;  routed  by  Dara, 
66 

Muhsin,  Khan,  Persian  physician 
in  service  of  Shah  'Alam,  207  ; 
and  Muhammad  Riza,  209, 
210 

Mu'm  Mir,  Uzbak,  246 

Mu'izz-udjdm,  Sultan,  son  of 
Shah  'Alam,  Manucci  entrusts 
money  to,  1 86  ;  quarrels  with 
his  father,  200  ;  references,  1 80 

Multan,  Dara,  starts  for,  78  ;  his 
followers  arrive  at,  81  ;  and 
his  followers  leave,  82  ;  Aurang- 
zeb  arrives  at,  83  ;  Aurangzeb 
leaves,  85  ;  Khwajah  Basant 
and  Lashkar  Khan,  Governor 
of,  91  ;  reference,  116 

Mumin,  Hakim,  physician  to 
Bahadur  Khan,  1 1 3 

Mumin  Khan,  envoy  of  Shah 
'Alam,  tries  to  carry  Manucci  off, 

195 

Mumiycfi,  Shiraz  and  its,  25 

Munger,  rivers  at,  114 

Murad  Bakhsh,  prepares  to  seize 
the  throne,  51  ;  advances  with 
Aurangzeb's  army,  60  ;  hard 
pressed  by  Ram  Singh,  Rathor, 
66  ;  arrives  in  Agrah,  73  ;  starts 
with  Aurangzeb  in  pursuit  of 
Dara,  74  ;  made  a  prisoner  by 
Aurangzeb,  74  ;  Manucci  at- 
tends the  daughter  of ,  1 5 1 ,  1 52  ; 
references,  54,  59 

Murad,  Mulla,  Mahomedan 
Governor  of  S.  Thome,  276 

Murad,  Sultan,  8 

Music,  instruments  of,  employed 
by  Armenians,  Syrians,  Maro- 
nites,  and  Turks,  107 


Najabat  Khan,  one  of  Aurang- 
zeb's generals,  60  ;  routed  by 
Dara,  66 

Narapa,  sent  as  envoy  to  Da,ud 
Khan,  251 

Narbada,  the  river,  33 

Narsapur,  Manucci  at,  vi ;  flies 
to,  to  evade  capture  by  Shah 
'Alam,  194 

Narwar,  Bellomont  and  Manucci 
at,  35 

Nawab  Bae  Ji,  mother  of  Shah 
'Alam,  interviews  Manucci,  180 


306 


INDEX 


Negapatam,  the  Dutch  at,  asked 
by  Da.ud  Khan  to  help  him 
against  the  English,  254 

Nekroz,  the  eunuch,  Manucci 
writes  to,  215 

Nelur,  the  river,  179 

Niccolao,  Hakim.     See  Manucci 

Noah,  the  Ark  of,  6 

Nur-un-nissa,  Begam,  accident 
when  Manucci  drew  blood  from, 
286 

Nutmeg,  good  effect  of,  on  a  horse, 
140 

Ochu.     See  Uchh 
Ormuz,  the  fortress  of,  13,  14,  22  ; 
the  fortress  and  island  of,  27 

Pan  (betel  leaf),  30,  31  ;  Manucci's 
first  trial  of,  30 

Pandharpur,  Manucci  attacked  by 
thieves  at,  139,  140 

Panlpat,  Manucci's  lucky  escape 
near,  75,  76 

Parenda,  Manucci  at,  140 

Paris,  volume  of  portraits  now  at 
Bibliotheque  Nationale,  in,  ix 

Patnah,  rivers  at,  113  ;  Manucci 
at,  114,  115,  1 1 6,  124  ;  factories 
at,  English  and  Dutch,  115; 
manufacture  and  trade  of,  115 

Pedro,  Dom,  Prince  of  Portugal, 
184 

Pent,  the  Rajah  of,  Manucci  sent 
as  envoy  to,  129 

Pereyra,  Donna  A,  wife  of 
Chris.  Hartley,  196 

Persia,  Manucci,  accompanies 
Bellomont  through,  v  ;  presents 
for  the  King  of,  6  ;  sheep  of  the 
country,  8,  24  ;  water  supply 
in,  8,  26;  climate  resembling 
England,  14;  Shah  'Abbas, King 
of,  9,  10,  ii,  12,  14,  16,  20  ;  the 
King  of ,  references,  7,  8,  138; 
Akbar's  intended  flight  to,  166, 
167;  references,  2,  3,  5, 184,271 

Persian  cavalry,  parade  of,  16 

Persians,  fond  of  flowers,  22 

Peshawar,  Fida.e  Khan  at,  1 50 

Pheliciano  de  Santa  Teresa,  Prior 
of  Carmelites  at  Goa,  227,  228 

Philipps,  Sir  Thomas,  purchases 
MS.  of  Manucci's  "  Storia " 
1824,  viii 

Pinto,  Manoel  Texeyra,  of  San 
Thome,  217 


Pit,  Lourenco,  Dutch  envoy  in 
Gulkandah,  Manucci  appeals 
for  help  to,  195 

Pitt,  Thomas,  Governor  of  Madras, 
employs  Manucci,  vii  ;  arbit- 
rates between  Manucci  and  the 
Portuguese,  219  ;  visited  by 
Da.ud  Khan,  248,  249,  250  ; 
warned  by  Manucci  of  approach 
of  Da,ud  Khan,  251  ;  reply  to 
message  from  Da,ud  Khan  and 
others,  257,  258  ;  asks  Manucci 
to  visit  Da.ud  Khan  in  com- 
pany with  English  envoys,  263 

Plato,  1 60 

Platt,  Thomas,  English  boat- 
builder  at  Dhakah,  friendly  to 
Manucci,  118 

Ponda,  Portuguese,  defeat  at,  168 

Pondicherry,  Manucci  in,  vii,  251  ; 
Manucci  goes  to  visit  Fra^ois 
Martin  at,  196  ;  he  leaves,  197  ; 
Father  Martin  returns  to,  233  ; 
Manucci  determines  to  visit, 
235;  Da,ud  Khan  asks  French 
at,  for  help  against  English, 
254 ;  Fran9ois  Martin  ill  at, 
267  ;  death  of  Fra^ois  Martin, 
Governor  of,  289 

Porto,  Domingos  do,  of  S.  Thome, 
217 

Portraits,  volume  of,  sent  home 
with  first  MS.  of  "  Storia,"  ix 

Portugal,  the  King  of,  132,  181 

Portugal,  Joao  Antunes,  Portu- 
guese envoy  to  Shah  'Alam, 
183  ;  Joao  Antunio,  Portuguese 
envoy  to  Shah  'Alam  and  Ma- 
nucci, 222,  223,  224 

Portuguese,  in  India,  13,  22,  27, 
133>  136,  J66 ;  employ  Ma- 
nucci, vi. 

Primavera.    See  Basant,  Khwajah 

Protazio,  Signer,  a  German,  and 
Manucci,  287,  288 

Puldo,  ii,  15,  100,  101 

Puna-garh,  the  fortress  of,  refer- 
ence, 132 

Qandahar,  and  Shahjahan,  159 
Qasim    Bazar,    English,    French 

and  Dutch  factories  at,    123  ; 

Manucci  at,  123 
Qasur,  Dindar  Khan,  of,  157 
Qazi  Mir,  minister  of  Shah  'Alam, 

befriends    Manucci,   281,   282, 

283 


INDEX 


307 


Qazwin,  8,  14 ;  Manucci,  and 
Bellomont  at,  9,  10,  1 1 ,  12  ;  the 
royal  palace  at,  9,  10  ;  situation 
of,  12 

Quran,  the,  references  to,  74,  143, 
153,  164,  204,  208,  268 

Qutb  Shah,  King  of  Gulkandah, 
treasures  of,  193 

Qutb-ud-dm,  Khwajah,  gardens 
of,  near  Dihll,  273 

Raguza,  Manucci  arrives  with 
Lord  Bellomont  at,  2 

Rajapur,  warning  sent  to  Ma- 
nucci from,  1 68 

Rajmahal,  rivers  at,  114;  Ma- 
nucci at,  117  ;  story  of  satl,  123 

Rajputs,  the,  67  ;  way  of  wearing 
the  hair,  126 

Ram  Raja,  son  of  Shiva  JI,  258 

Ram  Singh,  Rathor,  advances  with 
Dara's  army,' 6 1  ;  death  of,  66, 
67 

Ramapa,  sent  with  Manucci  on 
deputation  to  Da,ud  Khan.  236  ; 
causes  trouble,  238,  239,  240, 
243,  244  ;  his  excuses,  245  ; 
Manucci' s  generous  conduct 
towards,  246 

Ramghat,  a  mountain  called,  190 

Ramnagar,  the  Rajah  of,  Ma- 
nucci sent  as  envoy  to,  129,  130 

Ravi,  the  river,  78 

Raworth,  Mr.,  English  envoy  sent 
to  Da,ud  Khan,  263,  264 

Ribeiro,  Manoel,  gives  Manucci  a 
horse  at  Parenda,  140 

Ribeyro,  Augustinho,  of  Goa,  218 

Roach,  Thomas,  seizes  Bello- 
mont's  property,  38  ;  his  peti- 
tion to  Dara,  40  ;  pardoned  by 
Manucci,  44 

Roberts,  Gabriel,  Governor  of 
Tevenapatam,  Manucci  visits, 
266,  267 

Rodrigues,  Bertolameo,  of  S. 
Thome,  217 

Rori,  town  of,  86 

Roshan  Ara  Begam  and  her  re- 
tinue on  the  march  to  Kashmir, 
107,  108  ;  her  travelling  com- 
panion, 109 

Roth,  Heinrich,  Jesuit,  begs  Ma- 
nucci to  take  two  friars  with  him 
to  Bengal,  112  ;  reference,  117 

Roubal,  Monsieur  de,  a  French 
pirate,  268 


Rumi  Khan,  Turkish  officer,  and 
Manucci,  78,  79,  80,  81 

Rustam     Khan,     Dakhinl,     ad- 
vances with  Dara's  army,  61 
gives  prudent  advice  to  Dara 
62,  63  ;    reinforces    Dara,    64 
killed,  66 

Rustam  Rao,  second  in  command 
of  Gulkandah  forces,  195  ;  im- 
prisoned for  allowing  Manucci 
to  escape,  196 

Saa,  Domingo  de,  assists  Ma- 
nucci to  demonstrate  European 
mode  of  fighting,  128,  129 

Sa'adatullah  Khan,  writes  to 
Manucci,  256 ;  his  letter  to 
Fr.  Martin,  257 

Safar,  Khwajah,  Armenian  of 
Agrah,  story  of  his  bank- 
ruptcy at  Patnah,  115,  116 

Sakkar,  town  of,  86 

Salih,  Mirza,  son  of  Fida.e  Khan, 
Manucci  visits,  148  ;  presents 
Manucci  to  Fida.e  Khan,  149 

Salsette,  taken  possession  of  by 
Sambha  Ji,  170,  174 

Salt  River  (Ryo  Salgado),  26 

Sambha  Ji,  Manucci  negotiates 
with,  vi  ;  166  ;  lays  plans  to 
seize  Goa,  167,  168  ;  takes  pos- 
session of  Salsette  and  Bardes, 
170  ;  his  designs  on  Goa,  172, 
173  ;  Manucci  sent  as  envoy  to, 
171,  172  ;  he  sends  an  envoy  in 
return,  172,  173  ;  Manucci  sent 
as  envoy  to,  for  the  second  time, 
175  ;  reference,  190 

Sampayo,  Diogo  de  Mello  de,  re- 
fuses to  pay  his  debt  to  Ma- 
nucci, 163,  164 

Sanganes.     See  Sanjanls 

Sanjanis  (West  Coast  pirates),  162 

San  Marco,  Library  of,  volume  of 
portraits  in,  ix  ;  Manucci's  MS. 
entered  in  catalogue,  ix 

San  Thome,  Manucci  at,  217,  218, 
219,  220  ;  Bishop  Caspar 
Alfon9oat,229,23o,  231 ;  Da,ud 
Khan.  Panni,  at,  246  ;  Manucci 
sent  to  receive  Da.ud  Khan. 
Panni,  at,  248;  Da.ud  Khan, 
Panni,  returns  to,  250  ;  Da.ud 
Khan,  Panni,  at,  251,  252,  253, 
254,  265  ;  Fr.  Martin  sends  Mon- 
sieur Desprez  as  envoy  to 
Da,ud  Khan,  Panni,  at,  255  ; 


INDEX 


Mulla  Murad,  Mahomedan 
Governor  of,  276 

Santiago,  fortress  of,  at  Goa,  178 

Sant'  lago,  Manucci  made  a 
Knight  of,  vi,  184,  185,  186 

Santo  Estevao.the  island  of,  taken 
by  Sambha  JI,  175  ;  Sambha  JI, 
obliged  to  leave,  177 

Santo  Pinto,  Manoel  de,  Portu- 
guese envoy  to  Shah  'Alam,  183, 
184 

Saraes,  account  of,  34 

Saraiva,  Manoel,  sent  as  envoy  to 
Sambha  JI,  175 

Sati,  at  Rajmahal,  story  of,  123  ;  a 
rescue  from,  nearAgrah,  124,125 

Sennento,  Ignacio,  at  Bassain, 
warned  by  Manucci  of  trouble, 
133  ;  signs  certificate  testifying 
to  Manucci's  service  to  Portu- 
guese, 133,  134;  tardy  pay- 
ment of  a  debt  to  Manucci,  136 

Shafi'  Khan,  Governor  of  S. 
Thome,  219 

Shah  'Abbas.  See  'Abbas  II., 
Shah_of  Persia 

Shah  'Alam,  Manucci  negotiates 
with,  vi ;  Manucci  appointed 
physician  to,  vi ;  Jai  Singh 
joins,  at  Aurangabad,  129  ; 
Manucci  enters  service  of,  165, 
1 66  ;  Manucci  obtains  leave  of 
absence  from,  166  ;  approaches 
Goa,  175  ;  takes  several  of 
Sambha  JI's  forts,  176  ;  arrives 
at  Goa,  177  ;  sends  envoy  to 
Viceroy  of  Goa,  177,  178  ;  visit 
from  Manucci,  179,  180,  181, 
182  ;  grants  Manucci  leave  of 
absence  to  visit  Goa,  188  ;  al- 
lows him  to  take  a  cargo  of 
wheat  with  him,  189  ;  Manucci 
escapes  from,  191,  192  ;  re- 
quests King  of  Gulkandah  to 
send  Manucci  back  to  him,  194  ; 
complains  to  King  of  Gulkandah 
of  his  failure  to  arrest  Manucci, 
196  ;  sends  in  search  of  Ma- 
nucci, 197  ;  Manucci  attends 
the  mother  of,  199  ;  quarrels 
with  his  son  Sultan  Mu'izz-ud- 
din,  200  ;  play's  a  trick  on 
Manucci,  201,  202  ;  tries  to 
persuade  Manucci  to  change 
his  religion,  204  ;  and  Bhao 
Singh,  205  ;  his  tests  for 
Manucci,  206,  207  ;  orders  Ma- 


nucci to  attend  Muhammad 
Muqlm,  208  ;  orders  Manucci 
to  attend  the  wife  of  Mubarix 
Khan,  209  ;  orders  Manucci  to 
attend  Fath-ullah-Khan,  210  ; 
annoyed  to  hear  that  Manucci 
has  been  sent  for  by  Diler  Khan, 
212,  213  ;  Manucci  sent  as  en- 
voy to,  222,  223,  224  ;  and 
Manucci,  277,  278,  279,  280,  281, 
282  ;  references,  141,  185 

Shahbaz,  the  eunuch,  advises 
Murad  Bajt^sh  not  to  accom- 
pany Aurangzeb,  74 

Shahjahan,  gives  revenues  of 
Surat  to  Begam  Sahib,  31  ;  at 
Dihll,  37  ;  Manucci  presented 
to,  42  ;  his  audience-hall,  42, 
43  ;  illness  of,  51  ;  and  Dara 
51,  52  ;  writes  to  Dara,  58  ; 
message  from  Dara  to,  69,  70  ; 
answer  to  Dara's  message,  70  ; 
communications  with  Aurang- 
zeb, 73  ;  made  prisoner  by 
Aurangzeb,  73,  74  ;  in  prison, 
harsh  treatment  of,  in,  112; 
in  prison  at  Agrah,  1 24  ;  and 
Qandahar,  159  ;  references,  29, 
56 

Shah  Shuja',  son  of  Shahjahan, 
prepares  to  seize  the  throne,  5 1  ; 
66,  87,  104,  117,  119,  274 

Shaistah  Khan,  appointed 
Governor  of  Agrah,  74  ;  refer- 
ences, 51,  249 

Sharif-ul-mulk,  brother-in-law  of 
King  of  Gulkandah,  193 

Sharzah  Khan.  134 

Shekh  Mir,  leads  a  division  of 
Aurangzeb's  army,  64  ;  refer- 
ence, 104 

Shlraz,  the  bridge  of,  at  Isfahan, 
22  ;  23  ;  Bellomont  ill  at,  24  ; 
description  of,  24;  Armenians  at, 
24  ;  Bellomontleaves,25 ;  and  its 
mumiyai,  25 

Shiva  JI,  has  many  conversations 
with  Manucci,  132  ;  references, 
129, 130, 138,  141 

Siam,  King  of,  267 

Sihrind,  Manucci  at,  97,  163  ; 
reference,  285 

Silva,  Francisco  da,  chief  surgeon 
at  S.  Thome,  221 

Sind,  the  river  of,  84 

Sindl,  Manucci  and  Bellomont  at, 
28  ;  Dara  at,  85 


INDEX 


309 


Sipihr  Shukoh  (son  of  Dara)  goes 

to  Dihli  with  Data,  71 
Sironj,  Manucci  and  Bellomont  at, 

33,  34 

Smith,  Reuben,  seizes  Bellomont's 
property,  38  ;  shares  spoil  with 
T.  Roach,  40  ;  pardoned  by 
Manucci,  44 

Smyrna,  Manucci  hides  on  board 
a  vessel  bound  for,  1653,  v ; 
arrives  with  Lord  Bellomont 
at,  2  ;  English,  French,  Dutch » 
Italians,  and  Armenians  at,  2  ; 
9,  ii,  12 

Souza,  Joao  de,  Portuguese,  helps 
Manucci  to  prescribe,  100 

Srlnagar,  the  Rajah  of,  helps  Su- 
laiman Shukoh,  87  ;  receives 
letter  from  Aurangzeb,  87  ;  the 
mountains  of,  85  ;  reference,  98 

"  Storia  do  Mogor,"  account  of 
MSS.  of  the,  viii,  ix 

Sua,  Joad  da  Costa  de,  of  San 
Thome,  217 

Sulaiman  Beg  Mirza,  brother-in- 
law  of  Shah  'Alam,  207,  208 

Sulaiman  Khan.  240 

Sulaiman  Shukoh,  53  ;  54,  55,  56; 
58  ;  70  ;  74  ;  76  ;  85  ;  and  the 
Rajah  of  Srinagar,  87 ;  in  Srlna- 
gar, 98 

Sundarbans,  the,  118 

Surat,  Manucci  and  Bellomont  at, 
29,  30,  31 ;  Henry  Young  at,  29, 
45,  46,  50  ;  revenues  of,  given  to 
Begam  Sahib,  31  ;  Manucci  at, 
1 6  3 , 1 66 ;  fleet  from ,  with  supplies 
for  Shah  'Alam,  176 ;  Father 
Ivo,  Capuchin,  of,  287  ;  refer- 
ences,27,  129, 158, 165, 191, 196, 
225,252,271  , 

Syrians,  musical  instruments  em- 
ployed by,  107 

Tabriz,  Manucci  and  Bellomont 
at,  7,  8 

Taide,  Ignacio  de,  embezzles  Ma- 
nucci's  ship  and  cargo,  163 

Taimur-i-lang,  53 

Tanjor,  persecutions  at,  refer- 
ences, 231,  232,  233,  234,  235, 
251  ;  Manucci  sends  some  of  his 
servants  to,  235 

Tavora,  Francisco  de,  Count  of 
Alvor,  Viceroy  of  Goa,  protects 
Manucci  from  jealous  physi- 
cians, 221  ;  engages  in  war 


against  Sambha  JI,  166  ; 
gives  Prince  Akbar  permis- 
sion to  build  a  ship  at  Goa, 
167  ;  attacks  Ponda,  168  ; 
retreats  to  Goa,  168  ;  sends 
Manucci  to  negotiate  with  Sam- 
bha JI,  171  ;  Manucci's  report 
to,  173  ;  receives  Sambha  Jfs 
envoy,  173  ;  sends  Manucci  as 
envoy  to  the  Mogul  fleet,  174, 
175  ;  sends  Manucci  to  speak 
with  envoy  of  Shah  'Alam,  1 77  ; 
receives  envoy  of  Shah  'Alam, 
1 78  ;  hears  Manucci's  report  of 
his  interview  with  Shah  'Alam, 
182  ;  offers  Manucci  Knight- 
hood of  Sant'  lago,  184  ;  his 
signature  to  the  Patent  of 
Knighthood,  185 

Tedesqui,  Dom  Joseph,  Theatine, 
222 

Tevenapatam,  Manucci  visits  G. 
Roberts,  Governor  of,  266,  267 

Texeira,  Manoel,  231 

Thika,  Arain,  a  corpulent  Ma- 
hoir edan,  story  of,  153,  154,  155 

Tiepolo,  Lorenzo  and  the  MS.  of 
Manucci's  "  Storia,"  ix 

Tirth,  the  stream  called,  at  Al- 
lahabad, 113;  course  of,  113, 
114 

Tokat,  Manucci  and  Bellomont 
at,  3 

Tranquebar,  the  Danes  at,  asked 
by  Da.ud  Khan  to  help  him 
against  the  English,  254 

Turkey,  2  ;  travel  in,  4,  5  ;  water 
supply  in,  8 

Turks,  manners  and  customs  of, 
4,  5,  6  ;  musical  instruments 
employed  by,  107 

Uchh,  city  of,  83 

Ujung  Salang,  land  belonging  to 
Siam,  267,  268 

Uzbak  nobles  from  Balkh,  man- 
ners and  customs  of,  100, 101,  102 

Vehu.     See  Uchh 

Vejlore,  Ghulam  'AH  Khan, 
Governor  of,  invites  Manucci 
to  visit  him,  259,  260  ;  croco- 
diles at,  260,  261 

Velur.     See  Vellore 

Venice,  Manucci  runs  away  from, 
1653,  v,  i  ;  31  ;  ancient  chairs 
of,  108 


21 


INDEX 


Vieira,  Father  Damiao,  with  the 
army  of  Jai  Singh,  132,  133  ; 
Father  DamiaC,  his  enmity 
towards  Manucci,  228,  229 

Vingorla,  Akbar  sends  a  ship  to, 
1 68  ;  a  watch  set  to  prevent 
Akbar  leaving,  169  ;  Manucci 
sent  to  the  Mogul  fleet  off,  1 74, 
175;  Akbar  at,  175^  town  of, 
captured  by  Shah  'Alam,  182  ; 
187 


Wazir  Khan,  secretary  of  Shah- 
jahan,  Manucci  applies  for  help 
to,  40,  41  ;  takes  Manucci  to 
the  palace  of  Shahjahan,  41 ,  42  ; 
and  Manucci,  44,  45,  46 

White  Pagoda,  or  Pagoda  of  the 
Virgins,  187,  189 


Yale,  Elihu.  See  Hayel,  Alexandre 
Young,  Henry,  head  of  English 
factory  at  Isfahan,  21,  23  ;  at 
Surat,  29,  45,  46,  50  ;  supplies 
Bellomont  with  money  and 
goods,  31  ;  Manucci  writes  to, 
So 

Ztafarabad,  a  garden  near  Agrah, 
73 

Zanetti,  enters  volume  of  portraits 
in  catalogue  of  Library  of  San 
Marco,  ix 

Zenon,  Father,  Capuchin  mis- 
sionary at  Fort  St.  George,  197 

Zindah-rud,  the  river,  21 

Zulfah,  21 

Zu.lfiqar  Khan,  sends  a  present  to 
Manucci,  266  ;  references,  225, 
247,249,257 


Printed  by  Haxell,  Watson  6-  Viney,  Ld.,  London  and  Aylesbury. 


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UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 


